Tokelau
Atafu Story
Kāiga Atafu, Tokelau
Kāiga Atafu, Tokelau
Mulihelu e¹ where I grew up with my mother
Communal raising of the children
The lulu [clan] of Tonuia and Lagimaina
Not a hint I was adopted until I was ten.
Children of those days
Rise in the morn to do their chores
When there was no dinner the night before
Halofia [hunger] sets in as they wobble about.
Children of those days
Rise in the morn for their usual chores
The meat and juice of a coconut
Can make a strong child for the day.
Children of today
Please feed them dinner
Mind the instant noodle whose label you cannot read
Mind the carbohydrates, the chemicals and the fatty food.
It is a birthright according to the order of things
The male offspring stays with the spouse
The female offspring stays home
It is a birthright, shaped from the moment you enter this world.
One is bestowed the title of tauhi kāiga²
One must be of strong build, to noose the wahoo
One must be of strong build, to paddle the canoe across the lagoon
One must be of strong build, to thatch the house
Strong sudden gales
Trees and houses affected
Aumaga [able bodied men] leave all their duties
To tend to the villagers’ needs
Matauala,³ my home away from home
You bring me closer to where I long to be
This cancer treatment makes me tired
It is prolonged, ongoing
I don’t know when I will be cleared to return.
I tread carefully at my lodging
I do not want to be a burden
They are already weighed down
Oh, how I long to go home
To take a dip in the lagoon.
I look forward to Matauala hall
Solace is found in the language
Sharing experiences with others in my situation
I just do not want to be a burden to my family
Oh, how I miss my home – Mulihelu taku pele [my dearest].
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This is the story of the taumatua (eldest male) of Atafu, Elia Mamoe, and selected family members from Atafu, Tokelau, on experiences of climate adaptation, resilience and mobilityii. Talanoa for this case study engaged six family members across three generations in either Atafu, Tokelau or Porirua, New Zealand. Talanoa was undertaken by Tulano or Loha who both have family connections to Elia. Tulano is a member of the Atafu Taupulega (village council) and is an elected member of the fono fakamua or Tokelau parliament fono. Loha is a member of the Fatupaepae or women’s group in Atafu. Both were born, raised and currently live in the village, but have also spent periods living in New Zealand.
This case study starts with an introduction to Atafu atoll of the Tokelau Islands. The family members who participated in talanoa for this case study are then introduced. The voices and experiences of family members are discussed next, including the view of Atafu as a place of return, the combined impacts of climate and cultural change, food security and impacts on migration for health treatment. Finally, an explanation of the case study approach is provided.
The atoll of Atafu, as described through the eyes of Atafu composer, the late Faalua Teaku, resembles a pearl at the bottom of the ocean:
The words of this fatele (action dance) about Mulihelu convey our fondness for the place, and our connectedness with the island. As people of Atafu, we are descendants of a bloodline with shared common land – known in Tokelau as the Falefitu or the seven houses. Each house represents the seven children of the first settlers in Atafu in the late eighteenth century, the father Tonuia from the island of Fakaofo, Tokelau and the mother Lagimaina from Nukunonu, also of Tokelau. Our kāiga (extended family or kin group), emanating from our place in Falefitu, is the cornerstone of our culture, and basis of the production and reproduction of our world (Faraima et al., 2022; Huntsman & Hooper, 1996).
Atafu (Figure 2) is the northernmost (and smallest) of the three atolls that make up the Tokelau Islands; the other two atolls are Nukunonu and Fakaofo. Neighbouring Olohega Island is traditionally regarded as the fourth atoll. Atafu has 42 islands, and the atoll of the Atafu village, where people reside, has a land area of 2.5 square km, with the highest point being 5 metres above sea level.
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Atafu atoll lies in the easterly trade wind zone; north westerly winds appear between December and March. There is an old adage in the village referring to the changing April weather as ‘matagi vale o Apelila’ or ‘out of place April wind’, implying that windy gales can happen around that time of the year. Drought tends to happen between April and November, while cloudy and raining season is between December to February.
Around 550 people live in Atafu; and the population across all of Tokelau was 1647 people at the latest census count (Tokelau Census, 2019). Most people of Tokelau heritage reside in Aotearoa New Zealand (8676 at the 2018 NZ Census), with the highest population residing in the Wellington region (over 4000). In Porirua, the Matauala community hall on Bedford Street provides a nexus for our Atafu community in New Zealand; more than a community hall, it is a centre for Atafu community building. This community hall is described by the Atafu Matauala Porirua community president, Tenihe Atoni, as a ‘home away from home’, where Atafu culture and language are maintained in the New Zealand context, where most of the Atafu people live.
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In Atafu atoll, there are approximately 100 residential houses. Lotala is the community meeting house, where the village council or the Taupulega, meets. Nearby is Lalopua, a men’s carving house, where younger men are mentored by the elders. Beside this is Afega o te Lima Tō, translated as ‘the place of refuge’ where inati, or distribution of goods, for example fishing catch, takes place. Other communal facilities in Atafu include the church or Hiona, and the Te Amanaki administration office of the Taupulega, which includes a village cooperative store, a finance or banking office and administration offices that also house some of the Tokelau government departments. There is a community hospital, called Lomaloma, a school called Matauala school, akin to Matauala hall in Porirua, which caters for up to Year 11, and the USP campus provides Year 12 and Year 13. The northern end of the village is the village’s visitor accommodation called Matagi hotel.
Mobility is an inherent part of our history as people of Atafu. We recall as young children playing on old relics of lualua (catamarans) at the south end of the village near Elia Mamoe’s family home, remnants and reminders that our ancestors were seafaring voyagers before the arrival of Christianity in the early 1860s. Our history tells a story of both forced and voluntary mobility. For example, forced mobility happened in the blackbirding era, where Atafu lost 37 people, leaving 103 behind (and only 6 adult males) during the Peruvian slave trade in the 1860s; in this period Tokelau overall lost 47% of their total population, including able-bodied men, some women and even children (Matauala Cultural Centre and Hub, 2019). Voluntary mobility was facilitated shortly after New Zealand took formal sovereignty of Tokelau through the Tokelau Act 1948, following Tokelau’s annexure to Britain in 1916. The Tokelau population dropped overall when a resettlement scheme was established in the late 1960s to the early 1970s and many villagers settled in Porirua, Wellington. Overall, mobility for people of Atafu is ongoing, transnational and circular.
Currently, travel in and out of Atafu village is by boat from Apia, Samoa; an approximately 24-hour ride from Apia to the nearest atoll Fakaofo, at least three hours to Nukunonu, and arriving overnight to Atafu. People move back and forth for various reasons. More and more people mobilise as part of the Tokelau Patient Referral Scheme (TPRS); between 2015 to 2019, there were between 40 to 80 new patients across all of Tokelau annually referred for medical care to Apia or New Zealand under the scheme (Mafile’o et al., 2019). These numbers coincide with the rise in chronic diseases and more notably the rise in cancer cases referred, which require prolonged follow up. Others move to Samoa, Fiji, New Zealand and Australia for education and employment opportunities.
The family was invited into this project out of respect for the taumatua of the village, the eldest male, Elia Mamoe. Following the village protocol for any gathering, the taumatua is the first person to speak. Elia is in his 90s and has lived in Atafu all his life, apart from some short stays overseas for health procedures. His late wife, Nua, was a teacher who did her training in Samoa but returned to Atafu and was one of the longest-serving public servants in Tokelau. Elia and Nua had three children, all who were raised in Atafu: Tile Elia (son), Anu Tamoa (daughter) and Helau Mamoe (son). At the time of our talanoa, all three of Elia’s adult children were living in Atafu. While some of Elia’s grandchildren and great-grandchildren live in Atafu, many live in New Zealand and Australia.
Elia’s family dwelling is located at the southmost end of the village where he lives with his daughter Anu, her husband, Faamanuia, and their adult children and grandchildren. Elia’s second eldest son, Tile, who has lived with his family in Sydney, Australia since the early 2000s, recently returned to the village together with his daughter Keakea and her five children. Keakea, however, returned to Australia with her children some months after for the purpose of better education and health care.
Apolima, one of Anu’s daughters, moved to Porirua on the patient referral scheme. Apolima, her husband and four children live with her aunt Joanne and Joanne’s husband, Puka, in their mortgaged five-bedroom house in Porirua. Joanne and Puka have four children. Also residing in the same household is another aunt, Aofata O’Brien, along with her teenage grandson who accompanied her for medical treatment. In total, there were 14 people residing in the home. Puka and Joanne, Apolima’s aunt and uncle, are closely affiliated with the Atafu Matauala community in Porirua. As demonstrated here, mobility is ongoing for our Atafu kāiga, with members of our kāiga, especially younger generations, moving between Atafu, New Zealand and Australia for reasons such as access to medical care and resources.
Kāiga/family members who took part in talanoafor this research represent three different generations and were based in either Atafu, Tokelau or Porirua, New Zealand at the time of the talanoa. Some held significant roles for the wider Atafu community. The opportunity to take part in the case study was offered to Elia’s children or grandchildren who had recently moved to or from the village. Those who eventually participated in talanoa included:
Next, are themes that reflect Atafu kāiga climate mobility, resilience and wellbeing, honouring their voices and their experiences.
Many of our kāiga Atafu choose to stay and live in Atafu, despite climate change challenges. As reflected in our traditional song cited above, Atafu is known to us as Mulihelu, like a pearl capturing our hearts and drawing us in. Taumatu, Elia, desires to live in Atafu, and some family also expressed they will remain in Tokelau as long as Elia survives. While other family members are living overseas, most expressed their intention to return to Atafu, at least temporarily, in the future.
Tokelauans, as earlier observed, are highly mobile. Many leave to seek employment and education opportunities outside of Tokelau, and although it is not always recognised as a direct consequence of climate change, climate change exacerbates the reasons for moving. As Timo stated:
Nonetheless, the villagers seldom say that they leave for good. In talanoa, when asked whether they want to return to Atafu, there was often a sense of pain as family members paused before responding. Keakea, who moved from Sydney to the village, felt undecided about living permanently in the village as she is concerned for the future of her children and being too far away from quality health care. “We’ll see”, she repeats in our talanoa. Another example is Aofata, living in Porirua for health treatment, but heading to Townsville, Australia to visit one of her daughters and her grandchildren. When asked whether she plans to return back to her village, she responds with sadness and uncertainty as she fights back her tears, saying:
Community fatele singing and dancing is a part of nearly every village gathering (whether in Atafu or in Porirua), a way to continue to remember and to celebrate our place and to affirm our connections. The following fatele was composed in the 1970s by the late Faalua Teaku, grand aunt of Apolima’s father. The sense of connection to place and each other – and our resilience - is evident in these lyrics; such sentiments were also well reflected throughout our talanoa.
As the words of this fatele convey, our identity is part of our resilience. Our connection to place and each other also contributes to our wellbeing as discussed next.
Regardless of where we reside, in Atafu or elsewhere such as Porirua, New Zealand, our wellbeing stems from our sense of place and our relationships. Wellbeing is understood by our families as many things. There are a range of contributing factors to wellbeing in our cultural context. An understanding of wellbeing was eloquently expressed by Timo,
Wellbeing is also strongly influenced by Christianity and the relationship one has with God. An integral part of the way of living of the village of Atafu is e fakamalumalu kiei or sheltering and keeping order in the village. It represents order in village functions such as funerals, weddings and other significant life events. The fealofani village way of life is embedded in values of cellophane or coexisting peacefully, loto maualalo or humbleness; such values and practices represent traditional/local knowledge and care for one another.
Our sense of wellbeing, stemming from our Tokelau cultural values and wisdom, has been reiterated in the Tokelau wellbeing plan developed by our communities in New Zealand, the Kāiga Tokelau Wellbeing National Strategic Plan 2022-2026. This plan sets out some ambitions in five key areas: family duty-of-care; cultural and language revitalisation; educational achievement and employment stability; the place of faith; and optimising housing and health through a Tokelau cultural lens. This plan, while developed by Tokelau communities in the New Zealand context, adds to our collective efforts to strengthen wellbeing based on Tokelau values in Atafu, especially given climate change impacts.
The next section elaborates how traditional resilience is also evident in specific knowledge and practices that enable our people to thrive in our Atafu island environment.
Traditional knowledge and practice for sustainability has been important historically and is still important today, as part of our resilience when staying in place. Atafu traditional knowledge and practice was discussed at length in talanoa with Elia, our taumatua. He reflected on the traditional practice of preservation, where there were certain times for bountiful harvesting around reserve islands. Hahavale in the local context denotes access to local food – such as crabs, edible ferns and germinating coconuts. At certain times of the year, strong winds would enable sailing to these reserve islands for food harvesting.
He reflected how a sense of gladness emanates in the village following the village crier’s announcement of hahavale access. He also reflected, however, that today less attention is placed on this way of preserving limited food resources, as more people access the reserve islands outside of hahavale. It was intimated that maintaining the practice of hahavale could be an important way to strengthen local resilience to climate change impacts in Atafu.
In Elia’s words, knowledge of the local seasons continues to be used in the village today despite the changes. The canoe and sails are replaced by motorised boats – but local knowledge continues to be relevant – even though a lot of change is observed. Elia notes,
There are gems in his comparison of both the past and the present as this is his way of telling us of the pathway he has paved for future generations.
Others have suggested that adaptations are needed to maintain the benefits of traditional marine conservation in Tokelau – such adjustments include continuing to value traditional marine conservation and teaching it earlier since those leaving Tokelau for education are at the age where they would be learning these skills from the elders (Toloa et al., 1999). Resilience is also understood as being adaptive to the weather, the conditions that are everchanging and the need for food sourcing. Elia and others spoke of the importance of local knowledge. Local knowledge was a key factor in having resilience because to feed your family then you must know the winds, the tides, the seas, and the land, even if it means to mobilise.
Environmental changes in Atafu, especially erosion and changing weather patterns, were frequently referenced in our talanoa. Family members referred to the erosion of the ocean side coastal area. Furthermore, the erosion was man-made due to the construction of the seawalls too close to the beach and sand being used for construction. Participants say that erosion is part of the atoll formation, sand and rocks are deposited alternatingly around the atoll, although accelerated with the seawall constructions in some parts. Soil erosion and a reduction in trees was another concern raised. Tino noted,
Families also referred to two types of weather pattern changes. The first type was sudden strong wind gales and tornados; and the second type was the off-season odd weather. Elia reflected on changes to weather patterns he has observed over his lifetime of more than 90 years. He observes, ‘I na huiga kua iei nei kua lahi lele te huiga’ [There have been many changes]. However, Elia makes no mention of any plan to move. He is content where he is. Weather changes, according to Hana, include,
Erratic weather patterns impact on the village work. The day after strong winds occur, the repair work is a whole village approach where men leave their paid jobs to attend to the communal work. The safety of the village is paramount to the Aumaga (men’s working group). This has an impact on village development work. Another impact is the loss of breadfruit young crops after strong winds. Hana says, however, that it has been some time since an actual cyclone occurred in Atafu.
In terms of wellbeing of kāiga Atafu, both coastal erosion and changing weather patterns put strain on living conditions, land availability or conditions for growing local foods (food security will be discussed later). The environmental changes, however, are compounded with cultural and social changes. For example, Timo notes,
Aofata recalls,
Resilience of our families is demonstrated through their stories as they speak about the challenges they face at various stages of their lives, as they are being impacted by climate change.
Food security was a major concern family members of all generations raised, especially as it is seen as contributing to non-communicable diseases that can then require medical treatment outside of Tokelau. Food insecurity, therefore, leads to involuntary mobility. Access to healthy food, according to granddaughters, Apolima and Keakea, is an issue. One of the parents from the village mentioned a sense of guilt because of the food they give their children. Some of the food labels we cannot trust as we can hardly read, or they have passed the ‘best before’ dates on the label.
Ironically, taumatua Elia talked about how the term ‘halofia’, or weakness brought on by the lack of food, is not heard of these days, probably because rice, milk and cereal is now available most of the time. Aofata talked about ‘tupulaga o te alaiha’, or the rice generation, where many or most of the children prefer rice to local food. It is the convenience offered by faster food preparation and less strenuous work as more and more people opt for imported food, according to Aofata. Climbing coconut trees is hard work and only young men who are of slight build can climb them. This links to what Elia and Timo referred to, as the times of the past and present are different, and more people are voluntarily moving to villages and or countries where you can have access to food that is a lot easier instead of catching it.
The number of patients referred from the village to the patient referral scheme for non-communicable diseases continues to rise (Mafile’o et al., 2019). Most notable is the rise in the incidence of cancer cases.
More can be done in the village, said Aofata. The planting of more trees can slow the coastal erosion and produce more local food that is healthier. Aofata also observed that the fish supply, ‘kua he tutuha’, [is not the same]. This observation aligns with scientific literature that has shown that the effects of climate change suggest that domestic fisheries in Tokelau “may be on an unsustainable path, highlighting food security concerns” (White et al., 2018).
Aofata shared her experience,
Aofata also discussed diet as related to the rise in the incidence of cancer in the village, saying,
He and others express that this is one of the major reasons for voluntary relocation to countries such as Australia and New Zealand. There is support for them and therefore more access to good medical care, schools and employment opportunities. All of which contribute to the health and wellbeing of a person.
Wellbeing of kāiga Atafu when overseas for medical treatment was raised by family members. Aofata talked about how new migrants can be a burden on the family, which affects the relationships between family members. The Atafu Matauala community in Porirua have a long-term plan called Te Kanava Strategic Plan, which includes plans to assist patients referred from Tokelau. The committee through their president Tenihe Atoni and taumatua Iuta Tinielu, approached the Taupulega in Atafu to offer a team approach in early 2023. Timo says that this issue requires the assistance of both the Tokelau and the New Zealand governments. This is viewed as urgent to achieve better outcomes for people who are adapting to sudden and involuntary climate mobility.
Our kāiga Atafu come from a long legacy of resilience, having experienced many forms of mobility in our collective history. Part of our resilience is our connection to our place, fondly referred to as Mulihelu; our case study has highlighted that although people move away from Atafu, there is a desire to return, especially on the part of older generations. Our wellbeing is perceived as emanating from our cultural values. These values guide and strengthen wellbeing of our peoples transnationally – in New Zealand and in Atafu, for example. In Atafu, traditional knowledge and practices hold potential for adapting to climate impacts. Although family members desire to be in, or return to, Atafu, the challenges of the combined impacts of both environmental and cultural changes were discussed in our talanoa. Food security, gravely impacted by climate change, is a concern for our kāiga Atafu, especially as it has contributed to increasing non-communicable diseases and forced mobility to access healthcare. Furthermore, wellbeing is impacted due to the strain on relationships and living conditions when those referred are hosted by family.
Key insights drawn from this case study for future policy and action are:
Our case study is one of 10 multigenerational family or kin group stories across six Pacific nations (Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, and Tuvalu). The case studies collectively sought to examine Pacific understandings and experiences of resilience and wellbeing in the context of climate mobility. The research had three key objectives:
Our research approach with kāiga prioritised Tokelau values, knowledge and culture. We used talanoa to engage stories of mobility across time (historical, contemporary, and future aspirations) and space (homelands, diaspora, multidirectional mobility).
Talanoa was conducted in Atafu, Tokelau and in Porirua, Aotearoa New Zealand between July and December 2023. In total, six of the kāiga participated directly in talanoa, with the youngest being in their 30s and the eldest in their 90s.
The talanoa were audio and video recorded. Reflexive thematic analysis was undertaken of each talanoa (Rangiwai et al., 2021). This involved listening to each recording several times for familiarity, then undertaking selective transcribing in the language spoken – Tokelauan was the primary language. Key ideas were identified and then organised into themes and sub-themes, before translation of these themes into English. In addition, analysis included talanoa at workshops and team check-ins with other team members and with a nominated family member.
The study was assessed and approved by the Aotearoa New Zealand Ethics Committee (AREC23_07). Approval was also provided by Taupulega of Atafu.
We thank the Taupulega Atafu for permission to undertake research, and Amusia Hakai for providing audio and visual recording.
New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has commissioned this work, funded by New Zealand’s climate finance. The views expressed here are the authors’ alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the New Zealand government.
Faraimo, T., Vaovasa, V., Kisona, J., & Lui, V. (2022). Kāiga Tokelau Wellbeing National Strategic Plan 2022-2026. Pasefika Proud.
Huntsman, J. & Hooper, A. (1996). Tokelau: A historical ethnography. Auckland University Press.
Mafile’o, T., Foliaki, S., Koro, T., Redman-MacLaren, M., West, C & Roskrudge, M. (2019). Review of Tokelau’s Clinical Health Services and Patient Referral Scheme. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Wellington, New Zealand.
Matauala Cultural Centre and Hub (2019). link
Rangiwai, B., Enari, D., Masae, C., Paea, D., Tahilanu-Mapili, L., & Vailahi, V. (2021). Lost in translation: Reflexive thematic analysis in research with Pacific peoples. Te Kaharoa, 14, 1-8.
Toloa, F., Gillet, R & Pelasio, M. (1991). Traditional marine conversation in Tokelau: can it be adapted to meet today’s situation? South Pacific Commission 23rd Technical meeting on fisheries. SPC, Noumea.
White, R., Coghlan, A. R., Coulter, A., Palomares, M. L. D., Pauly, D., & Zeller, D. (2018). Future of fishing for a vulnerable atoll: Trends in catch and catch-per-unit-effort in Tokelau’s domestic marine fisheries 1950–2016. Frontiers in Marine Science, 5, 476.
1 Mulihelu e is an affectionate name given to Atafu“Nae tau heai ni tino nae maua i ni famai ve” [There were hardly any such cases in the past, the people, young and old were fit and healthy.]
2 tauhi kāiga refers to the provider for the extended family
3 Matauala is the name of the Atafu community hall in Porirua
i In Tokelauan, an encouragement when on watch in navigation and fishing expeditions, a contribution from Kelihiano Kalolo, current Faipule and member of the Council for the Ongoing Government of Tokelau.
ii ‘Climate mobility’ is an umbrella term for situations where climate change and environmental factors are a driver for people moving, and for situations where people decide to stay in place. Some examples include the relocation of a community within a country (e.g. moving a village inland in response to natural hazards such as flooding or sea-level rise), an individual’s temporary move for economic reasons (e.g. via labour mobility schemes), and permanent migration within the Pacific.
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