Mango Story

‘Isa ‘a e fakafokifa e fe’aho’aki
‘Esi afi mo hono naunau kuo mahiki
Houtamaki ‘a Hunga Tonga mo Ha’apai
Kapui e fala mao ‘a e lelelangi
Pea fano hono ongo he ‘oseni Pasifiki
Ka ko hono peau ta kuo ne to’o ‘ete ‘amanaki
Ka teu pikitai ki he’eku tui
He ko ‘ene meesi teu lato ai

Introduction

Tulou atu mo e ngaahi tu’unga ‘oku fakatapua he pangai ni, ka e ‘ataa ke lafo alo atu ‘a e kaveinga. Ko hoku hingoa ko Nailasikau Halatuituia, lele mai mei Papaioea, Nu’u Sila. ‘Oku ou fakakaungatamaki he ngaue fakatotolo ‘a e Mana Pacific Consultants, pea ko e fakahoko eni hoku fatongia mo e fakataukei ‘o e ngafa ni.

I was privileged to hear the stories of a kāinga(extended family) originating from Mango Island in Tonga and their experiences of mobility since the Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha’apai volcanic eruption that devastated their island in January 2022. Their stories were engaged as part of a broader research project focused on mobilities due to climate changei. This Mango Island story adds to our understanding of forced relocation due to a sudden onset environmental event from a Tongan perspective. While the Mango community was relocated to ‘Eua Island, Tonga, as a result of the devastation to Mango Island, this kāinga decided to travel back to Mango to engage in part of their lifestyle pre-relocation. This research involved talanoa with seven kāinga members in November 2023.

This case study looks at the meaning and understanding of resilience and wellbeing for this Mango Island family. In the following sections, I briefly outline the case study context including the eruption, the broader Tongan context, and the Mango Island context. The kāinga who was engaged in talanoa for this case study are then introduced. Next, a compilation of kāinga narratives is presented, which includes: Kāinga mo e fehikitaki (family and migration), Tu’utu’utuni ke fetukutuku (forced relocation), Mateuteu ke matatali (prepare to encounter), Mo’ui lelei (wellbeing and health), and To’u tangata hoko (the next generation). These kāinga narratives highlight their struggle, their relocation, and what the future holds for them. The themes give insight to their lived experiences and pay homage to their will to not only survive but thrive, some two years later.

This is followed by the key insights (including personal insights) emerging from the case study, along with suggestions for future climate initiatives and ways of engaging from the Tongan perspective. Finally, the case study setting and approach is described.

Context: Ko e fakatamaki ne hoko

The eruption: Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha’apai

For generations to come, 15th January 2022 will be remembered as a dark day. It is the day the mighty force of the Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha’apai (HTHH) volcanic eruption showed its true power, devastating Mango Island, part of the Ha’apai group in the Kingdom of Tonga. As the volcanic eruption blackened the fonua (land), an approximately 90-metre-high tsunami followed (NASA, 2022) destroying much of Mango Island and leaving it uninhabitable. This eruption was so devastating that it has been recorded as one of the “biggest eruptions of a submarine volcano in nearly one and a half centuries” (Perry, et al., 2022, p. 10). The vapour from the eruption reached heights of 55 kilometres and weakened the ozone layer by at least 5%, impacting nearby regions including the South-Western Pacific region and the Indian Ocean region (NASA, 2022; RNZ Pacific, 2024). The extent of the damage in Ha’apai was such that it destroyed about 1.56 kilometres squared (61%) of their cropland (FAO, 2022). Further, Ha’apai also faced the greatest amount of flooding (5.00%) and the greatest change in the coastline (FAQ, 2022). The Kingdom of Tonga has spent the past two years adapting and adjusting to a new normal.

Tonga

The Kingdom of Tonga is made up of five administrative island divisions. These divisions are: Tongatapu, Vava’u, Ha’apai, ‘Eua, and Ongo Niua, which spans over 360,000 km² in the South Pacific, totalling a land area of 749 km² (Tonga Census, 2021). Tonga consists of 171 islands, of which approximately 40 are inhabitable. According to the 2021 Tongan Census, the population count was approximately 100,179 people which was a 0.5% drop from the 2016 Tongan Census, averaging a 0.1% drop per year. While most divisions experienced a drop in population numbers between this timeframe, the Ha’apai division experienced the biggest drop of 1.6%.

Mango Island

The island of Mango is part of the ‘Otu Mu’omu’a group of islands in the larger Ha’apai Group. ‘Otu Mu’omu’a is part of the Ha’apai Group that is neighbouring the Tongatapu Group. To the north of the Ha’apai Group is the Vava’u Group. Of note, while Mango Island is a separate island, it is also technically a village under the Ha’apai division and Mu’omu’a district (Tongan Census, 2021). Ha’apai division consists of 51 islands west of the Tongan trench and has a land mass of approximately 109.30 square kilometres. Of these 51 islands in Ha’apai, 17 are volcanic (two of these were Hunga Tonga and Hunga Ha’apai) and the rest are low-lying coral islands (Tongan National Agricultural Report, 2015). The majority of the islands are very small in size ranging from those with only a few hectares to the largest island of Foa with an area of 13.4 square km.

Prior to the HTHH eruption, Mango’s population consisted of 62 people (Tongan Census, 2021). Due to geographic location and size, Mango’s main source of food was fisheries, and the island was plentiful in squash, banana, taro, and coconut. Food was also imported from overseas, including from New Zealand. Due to the remoteness of the island, however, they were surrounded by a plethora of their crops and fisheries. This enabled a local approach to their way of life, compared to bigger islands like Tongatapu with more access to overseas imports and resources (Latukefu & Foster, n.d.).

Mango is a Royal Estate. Noting that all land in Tonga is the property of the Crown divided into different estates, namely: the King’s Estate, the Royal Estate, the Government Estate, and the Nobles’ Estates. His Majesty, King Tupou VI, is the estateholder of the King’s and the Royal Estates, the Government is the estateholder of Government Estate, and the 33 noble titles are estateholders of various respective estates. All estateholders are obliged to allocate land parcels to the people.

Kāinga Mango

Nofo ‘a kāinga is a Tongan proverb that defines a unit of society that is the building block of a Tongan settlement. It literally means a settlement of kin or relatives with a common link to the land; kāinga is also inclusive and collective, reflecting Tongan social values of kinship. Important social values include: Faka’apa’apa, acknowledging and returning respect; Anga fakatokilalo/loto tō: humility; Tauhi vaha’a/vā: to maintain relationships; and Mamahi’i me’a: loyalty, devotion, and passion. These four commonly known pillars or principles of our Tongan culture has ‘Ofa (love and care, kindness) as a philosophical underpinning.

Since the people of Mango resided on the King’s Estate, they are also referred to as the “King’s kāinga”. As such, we can refer to the people of Mango Island as kāinga Mango or kāinga ‘o e Tu’i (King’s kāinga). At the kāinga level, people have the freedom of mobility. The estateholder, who is also responsible for the welfare of the kāinga Mango, decides who owns parcels of land in Mango. One of the unique times that the estateholder influences the kāinga Mango’s mobility is through involuntary migration.

Besides the estateholder-landholder relationship, there is the socio-cultural structure and relationship between the chief and the people. In this case, the chief is the estateholder, and is also His Majesty. Hence, the people of Mango refer to His Majesty as their ‘eiki or traditional chief. As the mother in this kāinga stated,

Pea ‘oku mau omi pe foki ko e fakaongo pe ki he Tu’i, he ko homau motu foki ko e tofi’a ‘o e Tu’i. [We came (relocated) because we listened to His Majesty, because our island is the King’s Estate.]

Mango, as in other communal kāinga across Tonga, has leadership within a social structure where the top is the ‘eiki (chief), followed by tauhi fonua (leaders from the community and church, including the talking chiefs, the matapule). Based on the four principles described above, taking heed of executive decisions by the chief is straightforward.

The kāinga Mango were relocated and hosted temporarily in Tongatapu before they were moved to ‘Eua. Again, the land in ‘Eua is also part of the King’s Estate. It is understandable that resettlement has been challenging for the people of Mango, whose ancestors lived on the island from time immemorial. However, the Tongan Government has been clear that the island of Mango remains vulnerable to future tsunamis. As time passed, however, some of the kāinga re-thought their position of abandoning the island. To date, some Mango people have already returned to the island on short, but frequent, visits. Some of the kāinga Mango who were resettled in ‘Eua go back to Mango to fish.

Climate change as a phenomenon is not at the forefront for kāinga Mango. Their generational experiences of weather patterns are not necessarily perceived as related to “climate change”. Encountering, surviving, and recovering from natural hazards is a practical way of island life. Defining this as climate adaptation can seem foreign to the kāinga.

Most who participated in talanoa were born and raised in Mango, and some married into the kāinga. The latter were mostly from other islands in the Ha’apai Group. For them, experiencing extreme weather events is not new.

Tupu hake pe i Fakakai feunga moe to Matangi he 61 mahalo kii tau 5 ai anga e feliliuaki he to koe matangi naamau tu’u pe mei he mui kolo koe sio ki he muikolo koe ‘auha koe, ka naam au nofo pe homau kii fale tonga nae tukuhifo pe kii fale ka mau hao ki ai. Pea koe anga ia feliuliuaki mau hau ko eni ki Mango, lahi ngaahi Matangi nae mau ka naa mau hao pe homau kii api. Pea koe fiha e sunami hoko ‘i motu ko ‘emau lele pe he ‘oku ai pe mo’unga ‘i Mango. Ko ene talaange pe oku mau osi katoa ki ai. [I was five when I experienced the 1961 cyclone devastation in Fakakai. The whole Fakakai settlement was destroyed. We put down the roof of our Tongan house and took shelter in it. We have experienced various cyclones and sea surges here in Mango. We always run to the hill in Mango. When we get the warning, we go to the hill.]

These experiences of the kāinga Mango are based on seasonal and perennial changes. What they have now learned about climate change is, to a large extent, from Government, foreign donors, and civil societies. Even though they do not specifically reference climate change, their stories of natural and environmental changes are like a deposition of climate change. The most dramatic natural hazard for them is the recent HTHH, which is a volcanic incident that triggered the tsunami.

Kāinga mo e fehikitaki (Family and migration)

Migration is not a new concept for Tongans, as Tongans have experienced (im)mobility for centuries. People move for a combination of reasons. Mostly, volunteer migration includes family reasons (marriage), education, employment, or lifestyle change.

Kou mali mai ki Mango, kou hau sio ki he mauanga moui koe toutai pe. [I married into the Mango kāinga and found that fishing is their main livelihood.]Ko hoku foha ko Paula ‘oku lolotonga ‘i he Sotia, ko Molitoni ‘oku ‘i he ako ‘i ‘Eua, pea ko Siaosi ‘oku neesi pea mali ia mo e Toketa Fisi pea na hiki naua ki Fisi. [My son Paula is in the army, my son Molitoni is in the agricultural college in ‘Eua. And Siaosi is a nurse but married to a Fijian Doctor and they moved to Fiji.]

The above are common stories for people from small outer islands married into the Mango kāinga and vice versa. Although small islands can be similar in culture and lifestyle, there are nuances that are specific to each kāinga of an island. Therefore, visitors and new migrants to Mango, for example, had to experience and learn these nuances. As the above quote shows, the Fijian wife of the son of Mango had to learn and was expected to accept the local culture. However, the following quote spoke volumes about the extent and expansion of Mango migration.

Pea kuo malolo tamai ia I Mango na’e ha’u pe kiate au pea mate eku fa’e ‘i Aositelelia. [He came to me (from Fakakai) and died in Mango. My mother passed away in Australia.]

The death of the father in Mango showed the internal migration, and the death of the mother depicts the overseas migration. Again, this migration practice can be complex and nuanced in terms of relational kinship and family obligations. It is obvious that the kāinga in Australia are part of the Mango kāinga, and are close relatives. It is common amongst Tongan migrants overseas to bring over and take care of their elderly parents.

The Mango kāinga have been mobile for generations, but at first, move to local locations that are safe and familiar. Kāinga generally move in order to gain access to more opportunities, access to education and work, and the chance of a better life.

This inter-island movement then opened opportunities for international migration. Once an opportunity is secured, those first Mango generations to migrate overseas are responsible for eventually supporting and bringing their kāinga. The principal idea was based on opportunities to avail kāinga betterment, and further, opportunities to assist the kāinga who still lived on the island.

Land plays a part in people’s decision to leave and/or return to Mango. Their kāinga inheritance, their land, is to be succeeded by rightful kāinga successors. Commonly accepted and practiced, younger siblings must typically find other means of livelihood beside their kāinga land, which can be another reason for migrating overseas.

Tu’utu’utuni ke fetukutuku (Forced relocation)

Mango islanders relocated to their newly allocated home on the island of ‘Eua (south-east of Tonga’s main island), which has an area mass of 87.44 km², with a population of just under 5000 people (Tongan Census, 2021). This high coral island will now be called home for the kāinga Mango. However, in terms of land and population mass, ‘Eua is distinctively different to Mango. Hearing the voices of Mango kāinga in the interviews, radio stations, social media and community, it is evident that the resilience levels of these survivors are nothing short of incredible.

Koe hoa foki talu ene hau ana oku fie loto pe ia ke foki ki motu. Pea oku mau omi pe foki koe fakaongo pe ki he Tu’I he ko homau tofi’a foki koe tofi’a ia Tu’i. [My husband, since we came, he has always wanted to return to Mango. However, we came because of we took heed of the estateholder’s directive.]

Io, heikai teu foki au o nofo ‘osi. Ko eku foki pe au koe alu feinga ha kii mataiika ke fakamaketi mo ave ke kai I Eua [Yes, I will not go back and stay permanently. I just go back to fish over there to sell in the market and take some to the kāinga in ‘Eua.

kou tosi talaange ke tau teuteu pe ko etau hiki pe ki he te tau totongi ‘uhila mo totongi vai….. ‘E palopalema pe he na’e ‘ikai ke mau anga mautolu ha me’a pehe eh ka oku te fepaki kita mo ia. [I told them, we should be prepared, once we settled there (‘Eua) we will pay for the electricity and water. It will be an issue because we are not used to things like that (to pay).]

The kāinga Mango continue to face new challenges as they slowly settle in to their new ‘Eua environment with new livelihoods. As one participant had expressed, “Anga fakafefe ke mau tauhi ‘emau kau pekia ‘i motu” [how are we going to care for the dead] as generations of her fāmili (family) are buried on Mango. There was no shortage of narratives that expressed their love of the land, their family both living and dead, their connection to the kelekele (earth) and their relationship to their standing place.

‘io, ko hoku foha lahi… ko ene nofo ana ko ena oku osi fie foki pe ia. Pehe pe mo eku tama koee ‘i ‘Eua fika ua. ka koe mea oku fai ene kii ngaue ana alu oho ai me’anoa’ia. Ka oku ikai ngalo a motu ia, faingofua ko eku ‘u kupenga ‘eke atu ikai pe ke toe ma’u ha me’a ia eh. Ha’u pe siosio ki tahi he ‘alu e manatu eh. Na’e ikai kete anga kita he fakatau $50 ‘o fai ki olunga eh. Ko eni fakamasiva lahi. Ko e li pe ete kupenga he pooni, kai pe ‘apo mo ‘auhu eh. [Yes, my eldest son wanted to return to Mango, same as my second son who is in ‘Eua doing nothing there. We never forget the island, easy life, when I look at the ocean it brings back memories. We are not used to spending $50 or more (on food). It impacts us financially. In Mango, we just set the net this afternoon, we eat fish this evening, and repeat tomorrow.]

The Tongan Government has invested 565.8 million dollars into the Hunga-Tonga-Hunga-Ha’apai Recovery and Resilience Building Plan (2022-2025) to ensure greater resilience through a sustainable recovery process for those most affected (FAO, 2022). The Recovery Plan sets out to support four key priority sectors, namely: Housing Recovery, Food Security and Livelihood, Tourism Industry and Public Infrastructure. However, for the people of Mango, it is more than habitability. While habitability is crucial for wellbeing and survival, it is not the only challenge that presents itself for the kāinga Mango. For Mango islanders, lifestyle, cultural and traditional considerations, and their deeply intrinsic connection to the land should be included, as has been discussed elsewhere (Farbotko and Campbell, 2022). Pacific peoples have had a lengthy history of mobility and relocation and being able to share these historical narratives is essential for the successful mobility of kāinga Mango. It is not a new phenomenon for Pacific peoples to look back at their ancestral knowledge and narratives to inform their future and thus ease the complexity of mobility (Ristroph, 2023).

Na’a ku mali mai ki Mango, feohi moe kii kakai Mango pea nae ako ai eku moui he alu feohi moe kii kāinga ko eni kae pehe ki he famili ko eni pea naa ku loto pe ke tuku eku fanau ke ako’I mei Mango ke nau poto he me’a kotoa pe koe uhinga pe aku ka kovi pe a enau ako ok unau lava pe nautolu o kumi enau moui mei motu. [I married into the kāinga Mango, and I learnt a lot from socialising with both our immediate kāinga and the communal kāinga. I decided to raise and school my children in Mango. My point is, whether they succeed in their education, at least they learned to make a life for themselves.]

This mother’s view raises the important point of having traditional knowledge and kāinga values entrenched in the younger generation; being thankful for what they have, and resourceful and intuitive in their mindset. These island values and mentality allowed generations to live successfully in Mango. It will certainly help the younger generations in their journey too.

Mateuteu ke matatali (Prepare to encounter)

Mango people’s resilience is not a new phenomenon tied to climate change. Resilience, as demonstrated through their life experiences, is a way of life. It is a practical part of encountering natural disasters, enduring and ultimately it is a survival mechanism. On a small island such as Mango, being resourceful is a necessary quality for island life.

Ne mau kamata fua niu, pea hoko ki he toutai….Toutai ke mau kai mo fakatau ke fua e ako e fanau..ngoue mo fangamanu ke fua e kavenga. Ko e anga ia e mo’ui mo ‘emau tupu. [We began to do copra then fishing…fishing for sustenance and selling, to fund our children’s education… we farm livestock and crops for our kāinga cultural obligations. That is how we lived and grew up.]

Adapting to any weather or socio-economic challenges is simply a normal practice of living. Like climate change, resilience is not a term that the Mango kāinga readily articulate, but they certainly live it in practice. Being resilient has enabled them to live through various weather events and environmental challenges, such as the cyclones and sea surges, as the quote referred to earlier.

One way resourcefulness of this Mango kāinga was evident, long before climate change was discussed as an issue, was their establishing that education is a key enabling factor for life betterment for their children. The father made the decision based on his own life experiences and he had the vision for his children to have a better life, as reflected in the following quote.

Ka nae faelei pe au I Mango, lautohi pe Mango, peau lava mai ki heni o ako I Apifoou pea hola au he 61 koe fakatamaiki, hola ai pe au ia peau alu ai ki Mango. Lata ai pe au ai alu ai eku kii ngoue, fangamanu, alu ki tahi; hoko ai pe mo eku mau hoa ko Mele o ai ema kii fanau. Ko e moui koe emai fanau nae peheni koe mea pe naa ku lava koe toutai o fakatau o fakaakoi aki Topui, Koliatu, Fangupo, Siaosi mo Fuatapu. [I was born in Mango, went to primary school in Mango, and I passed the exam and came to Tongatapu for high school at ‘Apifo’ou College. I cut school in 1961 and went back to Mango. I felt at home, started my small hold farming, raised livestock, and fished. Then I got married to Mele and we had the children. I fished and sold so we can fund our children’s education, namely Topui, Koliatu, Fangupo, Siaosi, and Fuatapu.]

Of note, fishing was their lifestyle and their livelihood - the source of finance for kāinga responsibilities and educating the next generation.

Mau toutai ke fua ako e fanau…pea mau hiki mai (ki Tongatapu) ke fakatau atu e toutai, kae fetuku mai mei motu…Pea koe ma’u’anga mo’ui pe ia ‘o kei a’u mai ki he ‘aho ni. Hoko ko eni fakatamaki, pea ‘oku ‘alu ai foha lahi o toutai pe mei Mango, fetuku mai pe ki heni. [We fish to fund the children’s education…We even moved to Tongatapu to sell, and our sons do the fishing from Mango. That is how we made a living. Even after the tsunami disaster, our son went back to fish and brought in for us to sell (in Tongatapu).]

There is no guarantee that this will be the case in the future, with current climate trends. However, this particular kāinga has persevered in maintaining their successful fishing business model in Mango. Even after forced relocation, they still return to fish in Mango to maintain their family business. Furthermore, the family also have other small enterprise activities to resource their livelihood and aspirations. The family member who is quoted below did this through weaving, making good use of the pandanus leaves.

ko au ikai keu poto au he alu ki tahi, naa ku fiefia lahi heku alu ki Mango he nau lava au ia o ako ai e lalanga moe ngaahi lou’akau pea sai a motu ia oku mau taetotongi pe ae lailouakau o omai tokoni kia Topui ke fakatau atu ke fuaaki emau kavenga. [I do not know how to fish but I am happy when I married into the Mango kāinga, I learned how to weave. This was good because the pandanus leaves were free. I weave traditional items and sell to help my husband bear our kāinga responsibilities.]

A lot of attention has been given to migration (mobility) but those who stay (immobility) or return equally need attention. The question of how we deal with those who stay is also a realistic aspect of climate change. Added to this are those who are willing to return to the disaster zone after some time.

‘Io, heikai teu foki au o nofo ‘osi. Ko eku foki pe au koe alu feinga ha kii mataiika ke fakamaketi mo ave ke kai I Eua eh. Ko ‘Eua ia, mahalo koe malo pe mo eku nofo ‘i loto’a ke u kai ha mei puaka ke me’a ‘a e Tu’i eh ikai ke fuu ifo fefe ia ko ene osi pe kina kita he moa moe me’a sai ange pe ika ia. Koe fakakaukau pe foki koe ‘ai mata’iika ke ai pe pea omai. [I will not move back permanently to Mango. I just go to fish to sell in the market and take some back to ‘Eua. In ‘Eua, we are thankful for the food offered from His Majesty. I am fed-up with eating chicken, fish is better. Also, we buy chicken.]

Two points to notice here, the chief and estateholder, had been generous to provide land and feed the kāinga, reflecting on the four principles of our culture. Secondly, the kāinga Mango change of diet (from a seafood-based diet to a livestock-based diet that includes imported chicken and mutton flaps) represents a potential health issue in the long term because of the risk associated with imported fatty meats.

Mo’ui lelei (Wellbeing and health)

Wellbeing is equally important to the Mango kāinga as defined with specific indifferences. Migrating, in this case forced migration, is not necessarily tied to climate.

Relocating is part of wellbeing and safety for the Mango kāinga. However, for this kāinga, their wellbeing is not just about safety or survival, it is focussed on living. Their housing in Mango was destroyed by the tsunami in 2022. They are grateful for the land and housing in ‘Eua, but they do not automatically see any future kāinga betterment in ‘Eua.

The ‘Eua housing scheme had little input from the kāinga in regard to the design and layout. As a multi dwelling building project, there are one or two model plans for everyone. The town layout is another matter that needs kāinga input. Generally, housing can impact on kāinga mental and physical health. Having a compact two-bedroom house, with a close proximity layout, presents a totally different environment than what the kāinga had in Mango.

‘Eua is a totally different island from Mango, the fishing knowledge and skills cannot be more different. Further, land-based living is another challenge for the Mango kāinga.

‘Io, ko e ki’i ‘api pe ne ma’u ‘i Nualei ka ‘oku ‘osi kamata langa, ka koe to ae sunami ia mole mea kotoa ia ke lava fai ha toutai ke fai’aki. [We secured a piece of land in Nualei (Tongatapu) and started building, the tsunami happened, stopping the fishing in Mango hence the construction stopped as well.]

The fact that the kāinga pursued their education objectives with great success and secured a home in the main island of Tongatapu gave them a great sense of security and welfare. This is an enormous feat because it was kāinga teamwork and values that drove such success. It is not a donation or contribution by the Government or a donor. This is the reason for such a good atmosphere and sense of wellbeing during our talanoa. Having envisioned, planned, worked together, and accomplished these successful kāinga initiatives gave them hope and a brighter future outlook. Even with the HTHH disaster and relocation to ‘Eua, they still pursue their kāinga objectives.

To’u tangata hoko (The next generation)

Mobility is more prevalent for reasons of life betterment, citing education and work as the main reasons for mobility. The eldest son’s story below depicted how the wellbeing of the kāinga is based on them being resilient.

‘Osi mei he kolosi nae foki ki motu o tokoni ki he tangata’eiki koe uhia koe toenga hoku fanga tehina ko eni nae kei ako. Tokoni ki he tangata’eiki he toutai ke omai o fakatau ke tokoni ki he ako moe ngaahi kavenga kotoa founa mo e siasi. Pea ma’u ai moe faingamalie ke toe foki mai o ngaue he Pule’anga o hu ki Tamate afi ta’u 11. Ko eku kii tuunga vahenga koe na’e ma’u he taimi ko ia nae ikai lava feau e fiemau ia ae famili fakataha mo eku fanau I he ako fakafisi pe mei ai toe foki pe ki Haapai (Mango) o sio faingamalie ange ngaahi mea fakapaanga ai ke fua aki ae ngaahi kavenga. Pea fai atu mei ai o au ki ha tu’unga kou toe foki mai ki Tongani o hu ki Fokololo osi mei Fokololo mau ai faingamalie o lele atu ki he otu muli o kamata ngaue ai I Cook Island. pea mau foki mai ki heni ke toe fakafoou konituleki, feunga ia moe kamata lockdown heni, peau nofo ai pe. [When I finished from high school, I came back to Mango to help my father, fishing to raise funds for my younger siblings’ education, and other kāinga social obligations. Then I became a fireman for 11 years, but the pay was not enough to educate my own children. I quit and returned to fishing. Then I returned to Tongatapu to attend Fokololo (a maritime institute) and got an opportunity and went to work in the Cook Islands. We came back to renew our contracts, then Covid happened. Now I am back to fishing.]

Pre-tsunami times, the kāinga evolved into a multi-generational socially knitted kāinga. The grandparents lived in Mango, looked after the grandchildren and raised them in the island lifestyle, entrenching the values of kāinga whilst earning a living. On the other hand, they observe the issues with alcohol and smoking among the youths in Tongatapu.

Koe fanau koia naa nau tupu hake pe pea oange ki Mango pea oku mau omi pe moe kii fanau ko ia. [Those grandchildren were raised in Mango and brought them with us.]

Pea fai mai, fai mai enau hau fanau ki tongani omi ako pea nau hau nofo ai pe mali mo ngaue, oku nau alu ange pe mo hau kae fetukuange pe fanga mokopuna ke mau nofo. A’u ki ha tu’unga ok unau lava mai pe ki heni, koenau tutuku pe ok unau foki ange. [Our children went to Tongatapu for their education, after that, they got married and stayed and worked there. But they brought the grandchildren to stay with us in Mango. Children eventually return for high school in Tongatapu, and they still come for school holidays].

In this kāinga arrangement, the grandchildren’s parents are able to work but still help with the kāinga. However, school holidays and work holidays allow the whole kāinga to get together in Mango. Unfortunately, that is not possible post tsunami but the kāinga hope to be able to do that one day.

Koe anga sio ki he ma’u’anga mo’ui he taimi ni koe femau vivili ia ae famili meimei koe ako he oku kei ai e fanau oku teeki ke osi ia mei he ako. [This is how we look at our life now, our kāinga’s priority is education, especially to help those of us who have not finished their education endeavours.]

Key Insights

Kāinga Mango mobility varies from temporary to permanent and has included both involuntary and voluntary mobility. Even with permanent migration, Mango people still return for short visits to Mango where they were permanently relocated from. Some people even returned or wish to return permanently, especially from the main island post-tsunami.

The Mango migration is complicated in practice when considering that involuntary mobility is added to the already complex voluntary migration. Migration is largely voluntary; that is, they migrate for family reasons (marriage), education, employment, better opportunities, and it is not so involuntary. Involuntary migration related to climate change is an increasing trend as people move due to damage to their residences or sea intrusion impacting on their land.

The kāinga Mango have deeply entrenched values and life principles that have guided them. These drive Mango people to strive to succeed in whatever they do, such as education and employment. It also draws them to help fellow kāinga Mango in any way they can, regardless of the geographical location. This means among local kāinga Mango, between kāinga Mango in Tonga, and even kāinga Mango overseas. No matter where they are located, they still have the values of faka’apa’apa, tauhi vā, ‘ofa as kāinga of Mango Island.

The support from international donors, governments, NGO, church, and family overseas is needed and welcomed by the kāinga Mango. However, the strength of the Mango people should be noted and utilised. Assistance, national and international, should be to strengthen and build on, but not compromise, the Mango traditional lifestyle and values.

Mobility, as in the Mango resettlement, should also consider planned return migration. It seems that there is already a return migration to Mango Island. This is not a new pattern, as it happened to the kāinga Niuafo’ou evacuated from the volcanic eruption in 1946, and Niuatoputapu resettlement after the 2009 tsunami. People returned to their traditional homeland.

Further, human dignity and collective indigenous rights can be protected and promoted by respecting Mango local values and principles. That is, valuing their traditional knowledge, and not disregarding them. Again, drawing on traditional knowledge is important, as it has been accumulated over a long time and by generations of Mango. Reasonably, local Mango people cannot articulate climate change and mobility well or in accordance with foreign expertise. It’s critically important that the mechanism of how a kāinga works, which has proven successful, is comprehended. This will allow targeted assistance to boost or elevate the kāinga Mango lives without compromising their dignity.

As a Tongan, I can relate to the Mango kāinga, and hold our Tonganess against the four principle values namely, faka’apa’apa (respect), loto tā (humility), tauhi vā (keeping relationships), and mamahi’i me’a (loyalty). For any attempt to design, plan or assist us, these are the values that policies or programmes should consider and uphold to the best of their capacity. Many, whether part of the national or international community, claim to understand these, but still many attempts on common or repeated objectives do not make the intended difference.

Finally, I reference my personal experience of a few cyclonic incidents in Tonga, especially Cyclone Isaac 1982 and Cyclone Gita 2018, as well as my experience as a civil servant serving during the recovery after the Niuatoputapu Tsunami 2009. I can relate to the plights of the kāinga from Mango. Such personal experiences led me to initiate and implement the Central Region Tonga Volcanic Eruption and Tsunami Relief in 2022 from Papaioea, New Zealand. Although I am part of the Tongan diaspora here in Papaioea, I still have strong links to the land and people in Tonga. I do look forward to the outcome of this research project. Most importantly, that the Mango study contributes to a better approach and procedure to assist local people in the context of migration and climate change.

Ko e ‘Otua mo Tonga ko hoku Tofi’a [God and Tonga are my inheritance]

Case Study Approach

As a Tongan and a landowner, my tie to the land strengthens my position as a Tongan storyteller. It also, however, blurs the line between myself as a researcher and the community people as participants. Importantly, talanoa methodology sets the boundaries and allows experiences and information to be conversed and shared.

Standing on the southern edge of Nuku’alofa, the coastal banks of Fanga Kakau Lagoon, I can see the envy on the faces of the Mango kāinga, yearning for their island. Clearly, what came to mind was the question, are we doing the right thing for the people of Mango? Such an experience immediately put me in an island mode of thinking. In a small way, I felt and saw part of the struggle that the Mango kāinga are only too familiar with.

Our case study is one of 10 multigenerational family or kin group stories across six Pacific nations (Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu). The case studies collectively sought to examine Pacific understandings and experiences of resilience and wellbeing in the context of climate mobility. The research had three key objectives:

• Explore how Pacific families understand and demonstrate climate mobility resilience over time and space
• Examine the impacts of climate mobility on Pacific families’ wellbeing
• Identify priority policies, processes and practices for Pacific families’ climate mobility resilience and wellbeing.

Our research approach with this Mango kāinga prioritised our Tongan cultural values, knowledge and culture. We used talanoa to engage stories of mobility across time (historical, contemporary, and future aspirations) and space (homelands, diaspora, multidirectional mobility). Having a talanoa is more than a conversation, it is sharing and accepting the presence of all parties involved, even people from outside a particular community or kāinga.

Fieldwork was conducted in Nuku’alofa with a kāinga from Mango. Noting that the Mango community was relocated to ‘Eua Island with others, but this kāinga decided to move back to Mango temporarily and back to their lifestyle pre relocation. The people engaged in the talanoaagreed and consented to be part of the talanoa. Having people to participate was not an issue, the issue was accessing the Nukunukumotu island, as this can only done via a small boat or walk across the channel during low tides.

The talanoa were audio and video recorded. Note taking was limited because taking notes is almost a disengaging act, facing away and writing during a talanoa is not respectful in our Tongan culture. However, I wanted a more genuine talanoa setting during the interviews. Listening to each recording several times for familiarity, and undertaking selective transcribing in the language spoken – in this case Tongan – key ideas were identified and then organised into themes and sub-themes, before translation of these themes into English.

The study was assessed and approved by the Aotearoa New Zealand Ethics Committee (AREC23_07). Research was also provided by Ministry of Education and Training, Letter of Approval REF 43/1/1 of 24 August 2023, as well as the Prime Minister’s Office, Letter of Approval REF ORG 1/8 v.23 on 25 August 2023.

Acknowledgements

New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has commissioned this work, funded by New Zealand’s climate finance. The views expressed here are the authors’ alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the New Zealand government.

References

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FAO. 2022. A rapid geospatial analysis of the impact of the Hunga Tonga volcano eruption. Rome. link

Farbotko, C. and Campbell, J. (2022). ‘Who defines atoll “uninhabitability”?’ Envt’l Sci. and Policy 138: 182-190.

Latukefu, S., Foster, S. (n.d.). Britannica Encyclopaedia: Tonga. link

NASA. (2022). Tonga volcano plume reached the mesosphere. National Aeronautics and Space Administration. link

Radio New Zealand, Pacific. (2024). Two-year anniversary of Tonga’s tsunami terror. link

Ristroph, B. (2023). Using traditional knowledge to inform planned relocation for Pacific island communities. Pacific Resilience Partnerships. Stronger Together. link

Tonga Census. (2021). Census of Population and Housing. link

ⁱ _{‘Climate mobility’ is an umbrella term for situations where climate change and environmental factors are a driver for people moving, and for situations where people decide to stay in place. Some examples include the relocation of a community within a country (e.g. moving a village inland in response to natural hazards such as flooding or sea-level rise), an individual’s temporary move for economic reasons (e.g. via labour mobility schemes), and permanent migration within the Pacific.}