Nagamito Story

Sindaun Blong Mipla Long Taim Blong Bikpla San

Mipla kisim bikpla bagarap long drai sisen
Mipla ran aut long olgeta samting
Taim mipla go insait long drai sisen
Em affectim planti food crops
Em affectim income blo yumi.
Hamas ias mipla expiriensim disla?

Ah, mipla lukim olsem em normal.

Taim blong bikpla San
Ol gaden istap lon tais
Liklik wara olsem lo Hege
Taim blong bikpla San
Em igat kaukau, em igat tapiok
Ol save haitim gut

Ol kisim liklik kaukau ikam
Ol kisim liklik tapiok ikam
Givim ol femili istap lo hangere stret
Long taim blong bikpla San.

Tasol planti laif ol save safa lo disla kain sisen.
Sampla lain inap lo stap, ol lusim laif.
Mipla kisim bikpla bagarap long drai sisen
Nogatim gutpla plen gavman blo mipla mekim.
Disla wokabaut blo yu
Em ba helpim sampla laif we ba kam behain

Our Life During Drought

It’s really awful during drought
We run out of everything
When we experience droughtIt affects many food crops
It affects our income
How many years have we been experiencing this?

Ah, we now think drought is normal.

During drought
We grow gardens on our wetlands
Small waters like Hege wetland
During drought
There is sweet potato, there is cassava
But they hide these crops

They bring small piles of sweet potato
They bring small piles of cassava
And share with family who hunger
During drought.

Many, many suffer during drought
Some of our family are gone; they lost their lives
It’s really awful during drought
Our government has no good plan for us
Your visit
Will bring relief to lives yet to come.

Introduction

In August 2023, I undertook a tok stori research with my family on our experience of climate mobilityⁱ and/or immobility and our resilience mechanisms. This exploration provided insights into the climatic challenges our community has faced, and the sheer will to survive. In the following sections, I will present and discuss our lived experiences of dealing with annual climate-induced droughts that have become frequent in recent years.

The findings showed that climate change-induced droughts result in physical, social, and economic impacts. These include crop failures and food insecurity issues; water scarcity for households and agriculture; economic hardships; stalled community programs and, even loss of family and community members. Despite these impacts, several factors continue to support us and our community, which are understood as adaptation strategies. They include choosing to remain in the village and accessing resources from our traditional land; having a dependable kin and family tie; belonging to the Christian faith or community; education and employment; vibrant leadership in the community that pulls together life skills training led by government and non-government officers. These mechanisms are explored further in the resilience and wellbeing sections of this case study.

I will begin by locating my village with a brief geographical and socio-cultural context of the community. Following this will be a brief description/history of my family. Then the main findings will be presented and discussed followed by the key insights drawn from this research. Finally, a brief description of the research methodology used in this case study is provided.

Context

Our village, known as Nagamito (also called N’gamito or Zuge Hege), is situated within the Korofeigu area, which encompasses several villages. Korofeigu occupies the southern, low-lying plains of the Lower Bena Local Level Government (LLG) in the eastern part of the Unggai Bena District, Eastern Highlands Province (EHP), Papua New Guinea (PNG). The nearest high school to our village is Bena Bena Secondary School, located three kilometres to the east. Goroka Town, approximately 15-17 kilometres northwest, serves as the closest town according (Google Maps, n.d.). The population of Korofeigu has now surpassed 3000 people, including residents from our village.

Although an earlier study of Korofeigu identified our village as “Nagamitobo” (Langness, 1963, p. 153), it is called Nagamito. According to the elders, the village name was given to a group of people who lived near a strip of salty wetland in this area. It is also known as Zugu Hege (hege for salt) in reference to that wetland. This wetland has sustained our village with food and water for generations including during a severe, prolonged drought in 1997 (McVicar & Bierwirth, 2001).

Korofeigu’s geographical location significantly influences the climate and topography of Nagamito village. Situated approximately 1470 meters above sea level on a low-lying plain surrounded by montane terrain (Mapcarta, n.d.), the area experiences a tropical climate characterized by consistently high temperatures and humidity year-round. The distinct wet season spans from November to April, followed by the dry season from May to October. This climatic pattern provides an ideal environment for cultivating various food and cash crops, including coffee (InterAmerican Coffee, 2024).

Several factors cause dry season to prolong in this area. The El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) conditions along the south-east coast of the Pacific Ocean play a significant role in creating the extended dry season experienced in PNG and other parts of the Pacific region (Cobon, Ewai, Inape & Bourke, 2016; World Meteorological Organization report, 2022).

Unfortunately, climate change exacerbates this situation, leading to elevated rates of evaporation.

When dry conditions persist for more than six months, our village faces drought scenarios. During these periods, soil moisture and water levels in wetlands, wells, and reservoirs are reduced. The impact on crops is severe, leaving us with limited food sources. Tuberous crops like cassava, yam, sweet potato, and cooking banana become our primary sustenance.

The other factor that contributes to drought effects in our village is the increasing population. Our population has increased from less than 200 in the early 1950s to more than 800  people. This increase in the village population has resulted in increased usage of land food gardens and cash cropping areas. Many areas surrounding our village have lost trees and vegetation cover that holds moisture and water underground.

Human activities, combined with prolonged El Niño conditions, diminish water storage capacity of the soil and vegetation. Consequently, crops suffer, and access to water for drinking, hygiene, and irrigation becomes challenging. Severe drought exacerbates the situation, impacting food, water, and cash crop yields. We rely on cassava and processed foods until the wet season returns.

The El Niño conditions, along with deforestation and erosion processes, not only impact our fertile agricultural lands and water reservoirs but also affect the availability of local materials for constructing houses. In our village, it’s common to see round or rectangular traditional houses, which are typical structures found in the highlands of Papua New Guinea. Previously, our village predominantly consisted of traditional houses crafted from locally sourced resources. However, these structures are gradually losing their cultural significance due to prolonged droughts affecting the growth cycles of indigenous materials.

We now face shortages of essential materials like diwai (used for building frames), kunai (masses of grass for rooftops), pitpit (soft cane used for walls and floors), as well as bush vines and bamboo for binding (Pain, 2021). As a result, people are turning to modern alternatives, such as corrugated roofing iron, for constructing family homes and important community buildings. While these modern materials are durable, their adoption leads to the erosion of indigenous architectural designs and unsustainable disposal of unwanted iron and cement products. This situation is further exacerbated by the impact of climate change, shaping the context within which we exist.

Nagamito Background

We are Bena Bena speaking people (Young, 1973). As part of the “largest of the four major groups” (Langness, 1964, p.35) in the Korofeigu area, our village is made up of several related kin groups. In this study, five representatives of three related kin groups including the Kanagabos, Kemiepas and Namagosavas participated. Each kin group comprises more than 40 to 50 family members who reside in the village including those who have married into each kin group, elders, youths, children, and grandchildren.

According to our oral history our forefathers won several tribal warfare against neighbouring rival tribes and claimed the land where our village is currently located. We live on customary land; hence we are traditional landowners. Customary land in PNG refers to the

Land that is owned or possessed by an automatic citizen or community of automatic citizens by virtue of rights of a proprietary or possessory kind that belong to that citizen or community and arise from and are regulated by custom. (GoPNG Land Act, 1996, p.2)

Custom is our cultural traditions that guide our way of life including how we relate to others, and the meaning we enact on our land. Each family member has access and use rights to land by birth (through paternal or maternal lines), adoption or marriage (Arutangai & Crocombe, 1987).

Despite frequent climate change impacts that affect crop yields, we have adapted to and continue to live in the village. As alluded to in the tok stori sessions, our subsistence on traditional land and related immobility are testament to our resilience. I present and discuss these in the following sections, using a mixture of both individual and group tok stori quotes.

Resilience Mechanisms

During the dry months, we rely on various mechanisms to support our resilience. These include subsistence practices on our traditional lands, traditional gardening knowledge and skills, dependence on drought-tolerant crops, strong family and community ties, living in the village, education, employment, and occasional assistance from government and non-government institutions. These approaches help us adapt to climate change-impacted drought.

Subsisting on customary land as climate immobility resilience

Our resilience relies on cultivating food and cash crops using traditional practices on our ancestral lands, despite climate change challenges. As one middle-aged participant mentioned:

Mipla gatim giraun stap. So mipla ken move wherever mipla choose lo wokim garden na mipla ken kamapim kaikai na helpim mipla yet during the hard times ya (Tok Pisin). [We have land. So, we can move wherever we choose to make our gardens, produce food and help ourselves during the hard times.] (Saftty Auso, 2023).

During droughts, we rely on our land resources including water from dug-up wells. Although well water is not always safe for human use, we gather water from these kinds of sources. During severe drought, most wells dry up and we depend on very few sources. One such well is found just outside the main village toward the northern end, and a few meters away from Hege (saltwater mush and land). An elderly male explained,

Ya keli n’gamimo minalinamo. Ana z’ge yupalo ma hefilutamonaza, ema sialo ni’ehinogoko. A’hefito nalutamo naza, anotinogoko. (Benabena language). [This well water does not dry up easily. We can fetch water many times during dry season, but there’ll still be water at the bottom of the well. When we fetch and use it, it keeps coming up.] (Esa Kemiepa, 2023)

Our attachment to traditional land is strengthened by its continual use. This strong connection is expressed in sentiments that regard land as a being providing sustenance, as demonstrated in the following quote:

Ana z’ge lave to’ zahu’eive lutamo’naza, anagati ana nosena l’miva l’miva nohi. Memo’za hetofanati nohive! Memo’za itotifu nohi. Nosena getoto nolmi (Benabena language). [Even during sunny (dry) season, it continues to give us food. The land is so valuable to us. The land is our mother. It bears food and takes care of us.] (Koralugafa Kefuno, 2023)

According to these comments, our resilience derives from relying on and receiving the majority of our food sources from the soil. Access to land is critical for our resiliency. It provides both a physical area and a socio-cultural anchor, allowing us to weather the effects of droughts. Our access to customary land has been a valuable cultural treasure. Despite being seen as hindering progress and development by outsiders (Gosarevski et al., 2004; Hughes, 2010), the customary land tenure system (CLT) provides an alternative type of protection in the absence of official provisions, particularly for us in the villages.

However, climate change-induced land pressures may threaten our resilience if these systems destabilise. Ongoing attention to land governance, including customary land mobilisation strategies (Nao, 2019), could impact our future access. Unfortunately, these policies lack clear processes to safeguard landowners’ interests in areas other than the mineral-rich locations. Additionally, our growing village population may exacerbate land scarcity and disputes.

Production and dependence on drought-tolerant crops

We have responded to the regularity of droughts by growing drought-tolerant crops. These crops include cassava (manioc esculenta; tapioca), yam, taro, and cooking banana (short type). According to tok stori and personal experiences over the years, cassava remains a prominent tuberous crop that is commonly consumed under adverse weather conditions. All tok storimentioned cassava as the primary food crop that families must plant during the rainy season. For example, the following quotations highlight the value of cassava:

Mipla planim lo edges blo garden mekim olsem boundry tasol or sampla taim mipla planim gut. Na taim blo Sun ikam na taim olgeta ol crops idai away, em nau mipla save lukluk lo tapiok. Taim mipla lukim olsem tapiok leaf em stap long garden, em mipla lukim olsem kaikai em i stap (Tok Pisin). [We either plant the cassava on edges of the gardens as a boundary or plant them properly as food crops. When dry season comes and all other crops die, we look to tapioca for sustenance. When we see tapioca leaf in the garden, we know that there is food.] (Saftty Auso, 2023)

During prolonged dry seasons, this food starch becomes more valuable and is likened to a tough person. As Safty continues to say,

Taim blo rain season, kaikai pulap lo garden so tapiok ya mipla save lus tingting lo gen. Mipla no save bisi lo tapiok ya. Em mipla save putim out lo ol meals blo mipla. But Sun season i kam em that’s the ‘big boy’ mipla rely lo gen (Tok Pisin). [During the rainy season there are lots of other food crops so we forget about tapioca. We do not take notice of it. We leave it out of our meals. But when there is dry season tapioca is the ‘big boy’ that we rely on.] (Saftty Auso, 2023)

Another family member emphasised,

Sogomoya monena huto lali hakale nosena’ti yani’i, sogomoya. Zama sogomoya monena zama holupagu vonamo’za sipi nosena’ti moza ni’i. Zanau’vaza Z’ge yupapoza liplikoto noli. Zanauwa’za lalimo g’va nohina’namo zani’i (Benabena language). [Tapioca is our key crop. It is a key crop that supports all the grassland people. That food crop takes good care of us. This stuff looks after us during drought.] (Esa Kemiepa, 2023).

Tapioca and other root crops remain vital sources of starch for our family and the community. When climate change has a negative influence on local food sources, these tuberous crops, grown in the Hege salty wetlands and other moist places, augment processed food like flour and rice. As a result, by diversifying our farming techniques and choosing drought-tolerant crops, we may reduce the effects of water scarcity on our food security and livelihoods.

Poem: A Sacred Connection Between Hege Land And Our Hearts

The Hege land is our mother, a source so profound
In dry season, a jewel we have found
It offers water for our gardens
It conceals food for our survival

Through sun-scorched days, when the earth is parched
Our mother’s embrace, where our hopes are arched
Cassava’s starchy gift, in the soil it’s concealed
A treasure revealed when all food crops are gone with the dry

In the roots of the Hege bamboo, our hope for tomorrow renews
When the dry spell threatens to take away our water
The stringy roots trap and strain
The well, that from Hege bamboo roots spring up
Bring life-giving waters, on which we depend

We care for this land, as a mother so dear
Nurture its essence, protect without fear
It repays us in kind, with its bountiful graceIn dry season, we’ll find our rightful place

A sacred connection between Hege land and our hearts
In nature’s embrace, our harmony starts
We are here to stay
For generations to come
Hege land is our mother
With her care and abundance
We thrive even in dry season

Gardening and sharing the benefits as climate immobility resilience

The third key takeaway from the tok storiworkshops is our history of gardening, hard work, and sharing the benefits. This significantly contributes to our climate resilience. Our elders honor and share stories of our ancestors’ resilience, particularly their exemplary gardening skills. For instance, one family member recalls:

Ol papa mama save tokim mipla olsem, bifo tumbuna blo ol stap ya, ol save wok lo stick. Ol mekim bikpla, bikpla garden. Displa taim spade ino kam yet. Bifo taim, wokmak blo wanpla man em kain olsem wokmak blo tupla man lo taim blo mipla nau.

Lo ol lain bifo, gardening ya em bikpla samting. Man igatim bikpla garden em leader lo hauslain ya. Man igatim bikpla garden na planti garden em leader. Ol save wok olsem bikos em ol lukim disla olsem em wanpla profession blo ol (Tok Pisin).

[Our parents usually tell us that their ancestors used to work with digging sticks. They made huge gardens. During those days, they never had spades. The amount of work that was done by one person in those days is equal to the amount of work that two people do today.

To our ancestors, gardening was significant. A person (man) who had a huge garden is a leader in the village. A person (man) who has huge and plenty gardens is a leader. Our ancestors dug bigger and had plenty of gardens because they regarded gardening as their profession.] (Saftty Auso, 2023).

Despite modern distractions and urban lifestyles affecting the younger generation, these stories still inspire village residents to work diligently, especially in anticipation of challenging times like climate disruptions. In our highland communities, we prioritise hard work and perseverance in subsistence agriculture, ensuring the resilience of our livelihoods even during hevi times (adverse climatic conditions). References were made to the positive benefits of such efforts:

Lilinamo luna saka mozago, fozanimoga asaga nosenamo ni’ehi. Yatai yama nohuna a’mofi, to’henamuve, naninimo huna sakamozago fozanimoga ana sogomo ni’ehi, avimo ni’ehi, taromo ni’ehi. To’maza haza’amo fupu i’tomo z’ge mouva’i loto hosapa ito me’i lolo nohigomoza, ya’mana nosenamo’za noto nomi noni (Bena language). [Because I work hard there are all kinds of food in my garden. Today, in my garden there is tapioca, yam, and taro. When all sweet potato leaves are withered during long dry periods, we resort to these food sources.] (Komite Jarika, 2023)

In the village, many rely on food gardens cultivated on their lands. For us, most of our family gardens are found along the Hege wetland. These family food gardens play a vital role in village life, as most of our food and starch comes directly from them. Saftty Auso emphasized this…

Gaden em warehouse blo mipla. Mipla save survive lo gen (Tok Pisin). [The garden is our warehouse (food storage). We survive from it.] (Saftty Auso, 2023)

The above quotes show how our family reveres physical labour and our forefathers’ gift of gardening. People who work hard and produce are active members of the community. The positive benefits gained from working the land does not only feed the family but is shared with others. One of our elders said:

Za lilina wonamo nosenamo gu’itoto no’epi toni’za, to’mamoga monoka vonamo ete lilina’mo hapinefi’te,ge’fapo nege’zagomo,nosenamo gu’ito ito’oto anamogaya kefapo emigito noepitoti yaiya huto minoto, yama oto’oto’oto’otoni yama oto anana’nimo mehemeki’ohu, lio’hu. Malio’hu (Bena language). [I gather and share some of these foods with the working-class, also with the local laymen and pastors. When they make mumu (party) to recognise the laymens’ hand-over-take-over programme at church, I bring some food there. I used to do that, and I keep doing that. I am still doing that.] (Komite Jarika, 2023).

Hence, living in the village and working on the land is for those who find meaning in working and sharing the benefits. As one of us mentioned:

Yu man blo wok na samting kamap na yu lukluk raun na yu share, em olsem ba yu stap ya. Em pasin blo bifo ya. Em culture blo bifo ya. Em disla nau em mekim mipla stap stron. Na sapos mipla no manmeri blo wokim olsem, em nau mipla lukim olsem ples em ino comfortable lo mipla. So mipla stat lo lusim ples. Na mipla go aut lo lukim sampla hap we mipla ting olsem mipla ken relax na kain olsem. (Tok Pisin) [If you can work hard, produce food and share with others, you can survive in the village. That is our way of life in the past. That is our culture. But if we are lazy, we become uncomfortable living in the village. So, we start moving out of the village to look for places that we think offer ease.] (Saftty Auso, 2023).

As seen in the above tok stori quotes, the ‘gift’ of hard work holds immense cultural significance for our family, serving as a source of inspiration and guidance. These stories and experiences have guided the way our family commits to working the land to self-sustain. Despite the physical toil experienced, today, most of our family members who stay in the village practice important gardening skills for growing and harvesting crops and pass this knowledge and skills on to the next generation.

Additionally, the values of care and sharing benefits from working the land continues to direct our life, social relationships, and solidarity during hard times. This enhances our reliance on local resources and reinforces collective support systems, which fortifies our resistance against adversities.

Strong family ties and community network

Accessing support through family and community networks is a crucial aspect of our climate resilience. Our communal way of living deeply embeds this practice. Family ties and community networks form the foundation of our social capital (Carmen, Fazey, Ross, et al., 2022) including collective actions, reciprocity, relational networks, and cooperation within kin. These values align with Ratuva’s (2014) identification of essential components in the social protection system for Pacific communities. We rely on these connections for support during times of need.

During existential crises such as climate-induced droughts, we support each other and provide for the elderly and younger members. For instance, a female family member shared their experience:

Lali’vati vonamo nohune. Kauna yupapo noago’mo, l’gesohutosi nosenasimo lek’napitosi nono’ne. Uma litna oyafa’mo, zaga’pananamo nehilanamo, f’nahutosi posito nono’ne. Ana foyaga sogomo’fi, igofa’fi, maza’fi ni’ilinamo f’kulitosi nono’ne. (Bena language) [We come from a line of good people. When hunger season strikes, we carefully share what food we have. We take care of our elderly and our children. If we have cassava, cooking banana or sweet potatoes in the garden, we share.] (Middle-aged female, 2023)

Our family network and community connections, even when we live outside our village, serve as our cultural strength. Some family members have relocated due to employment opportunities but provide financial support during the dry season. For instance, a male family member shared his experience:

Taim mipla go insait lo ol dry season, ol famili ya ol save salim ol coins blo mipla. Ol save tokim mipla lo baim flawa or rais o kukin oil blo family. So ol save salim through lo accounts or bank nau, mipla save go kisim na famili olgeta mipla save kaikai wantaim. (Tok Pisin) [When we experience dry season, our employed family members send us money through our bank accounts. They tell us to purchase flour, rice, or cooking oil so we do that and share and feed our family.] (Saftty Auso, 2023).

These aspects of our life provide material support during drought periods, which is a significant cultural value.

Elderly family members who participated in the tok stori sessions alluded to help that they receive from their children during prolonged drought. For example, an elder stated how her children supported her during the longest, harshest drought that hit the Highlands region:

Moneko k’fugai’si za sipi kaunanamo ago z’gapanana’magi ya etesi neheme’aha. Gefapogati, nosenamogati. (Bena language) [There was a time when we experienced serious hunger that my children came to assist me. They helped me with money and food.] (Komite Jarika, 2023).

Our resilience is also dependent on our strong family ties and connections.

Living in the village as climate immobility resilience

Our current and past experiences of voluntary climate immobility continue to support our family resilience in various ways, as demonstrated above. Staying together in the village despite severe drought is a testament to this end and therefore, is the fifth finding of this research. Over the years, our elders have chosen to remain in the village despite prolonged annual droughts. Our mobility is usually short, circular, and semi-permanent due to the younger generation’s education and employment aspirations. For us, staying together in one place amidst recurring droughts is an important form of resilience. Choosing to remain in the village is deeply rooted in our connection to the village, access to our land, and the strength of our community.

This means that living together in the village for many years has resulted in strong family and community cohesion and indigenous innovation of surviving crises, including climate induced disruptions.

Although people can leave temporarily during prolonged droughts, no family member has migrated or moved out of the village. The justification for continual existence in the village can be seen in the sentiments expressed:

Nominotamo, ana memozave luto alolohuto metim’loya nohutave. To’hemito fapoga vilutava, apa, l’ga mehilinamo’ninamu. To’uma foyatimo hemito vutegi, mole’alenati, nohatimo hemekito vilutamova, zu’nopo minalimo apa l’ga mehilinamo’ni. Nohatimo, hepati’moloko minene’gomoko vati’hilinamoni. Zahi’igo hepanimoloko nominove. (Bena language) [Where we are now, we have called it our homeland, so we stay here. It is going to be bad if we leave our home and go somewhere else. We can’t leave our gardens, our houses, our things and go elsewhere. Our houses will be filled with bad odour or smell and stale. It is going to be bad. It is better to live in our own village, rather than to go elsewhere. That is why I stay put here.] (Esa Kemiepa, 2023)

Such sentiment reveals that there is a strong connection between our people and the living spaces we have created on our traditional lands.

Our resilience is deeply rooted in the choice to remain in the village and support children’s educational aspirations and eventual employment. We remain rooted in the village because it connects us to our ancestors, forefathers and our elderly folks today. Many of our elders hope to remain and be buried here when they die. For example, one of our fathers mused:

To’manohunamoya, to’itogi afogi ete minete monena vite fli’ago to’nanimoya nohunamo, to’ana memoyave luto’ya nohu. Monenamo anamlo minalunamo. Anamlo minoto fliluve luto n’gekesa z’gito nomino. (Bena language) [Where I live now is where our mother and father lived and died. Here is where I call my homeland. I’m going to stay here as long as I live. I will live and die here.] (Esa Kemiepa, 2023).

Some members, especially the younger generation, temporarily or seasonally relocate to seek alternative opportunities through education and job employment in towns. The number of those who go to high schools and universities continues to increase. Most who cannot make it into formal employment return to the village and make their living in the village. There are a few elites who reside and work in cities and towns and provide support in cash and kind during crisis periods.

Thus, remaining in the village not only fosters hard work and discipline but it also enhances deeper connections within the family and the wider community. The choice to remain in the village by the elderly, and only relocate to achieve personal aspirations by the younger generation, reflect an adaptation strategy to not only cope with droughts but to also stay connected back to the land. The decision to relocate or stay is not just about survival; it is deeply tied to our cultural ties, kinship networks, and community belonging.

Education, employment, and institutional support

Finally, the research also highlighted the importance of education, employment, and occasional training and assistance from government or non-government institutions in enhancing community resilience. Access to education and employment opportunities empowers individuals and our families to adapt to changing environmental conditions, while institutional support provides essential resources and knowledge to strengthen our efforts to be resilient against the adverse effects of climate change.

Several of our family members have gone through formal education and now occupy different professions – teachers, accountants, auditors, etc. Although few, these individuals support the larger family back home, especially during times of hunger and need.

A few government and non-government offices/institutions occasionally provide support. For example, through the Hege Village Community Co-operative, NGOs have been coming to train people on how to preserve food. Saftty Auso, one of our family members who participated in this study, leads this Co-operative as the Chairman. He has been actively making connections with a few government and non-government organisations. These include the Coffee Industry Corporation (CIC) that came to provide training on how to grow and manage coffee; the Department of Primary Industry (DPI) that provided training in apiculture and honey production; Care International who provided training on food preservation and installed catchment tanks in the village; and ADRA, which tried to bring water supply. On a few occasions, these organisations came to provide life skills training and other services. To support this, Saftty stated,

Ol NGO tru lo Community Association we mipla formim ya, em ol sa kam tasol na ol save givim mipla sampla skul tingting. Lo dry season how ba yumi preservim kaikai na usim. So tru lo skul ol givim mipla ya, em mipla putim into practice during the dry season. Wanpla NGO group, Care International em kam ranim wanpla one week training lo how lo preservim ol stronpla food crops olsem yam, tapiok, stronpla banana, how lo greitim na how lo ba yumi preservim na em i ken istap without any moist or kain olsem. So kominiti ol kam attendim ya em helpful lo ol. Bikos taim yumi nogatim ol disla knowledge, em olsem yumi just usim up kaikai lo nau avinun na tomorrow morning, em pinis. But taim yumi kisim ol disla liklik skul, em olsem yumi ken keepim kaikai for the weeks or months. (Tok Pisin) [Through the Community Association (Co-operative), the NGOs come and provide some training on how to preserve food in preparation for the dry season. So, we put into practice what we have learnt during the dry season. One NGO group, Care International, came and did a week-long training on how to grate, remove moisture and preserve tapioca and cooking banana. So for those community members who came and attended this training, it was helpful for them. In the past, we cooked food (straight from harvest) this afternoon and it finishes tomorrow. But when we learnt how to preserve food, we can now keep food for weeks and months.] (Saftty Auso, 2023)

Hence, through good leadership and launch of the Community Co-operative, occasional support has been coming from outside which our family also benefits from.

In summary, the above findings show that our family’s resilience is deeply intertwined with our cultural practices of living together and depending on each other; strengthening our community ties; having access to key resources like customary land; and a rich traditional/cultural knowledge around work and gardening, which is passed down through generations and draws from ancestral experiences. Our resilience manifests not only in our ability to withstand droughts but also in our adaptive strategies, which are rooted in an understanding of our cultural heritage and local systems.

Family wellbeing

Access to land, family network and community

The research identified several factors that support our wellbeing with climate immobility. For us, living together in the village and subsisting on land is significant. Our wellbeing encompasses the importance of access to land, family networks, and community support. Just the knowledge that we have land and family to fall back on during tough times provides that cultural security. We can draw support and sustenance from these.

Research suggests that strong family bonds and social support are associated with positive mental health outcomes and overall wellbeing (Santini et al., 2020). Family cohesion, emotional support, and instrumental assistance, including during hardships, contribute to individuals’ resilience and ability to cope with stressors such as climate change impacts (Umberson et al., 2010). For our family, access to familial relationships provides a sense of security, belonging, and emotional support that contributes to our overall wellbeing, as demonstrated in the findings presented in the previous subsections.

Belonging to a church group and lotu/faith

Belonging to a church or faith group was also identified as our source of social wellbeing. The only church established in our village is the Seventh-day Adventist church. Being part of this faith group represents a source of social support, community belonging, and shared values for us. Studies examining the influence of religious community participation on wellbeing suggest that involvement in religious groups fosters social connections, altruism, and a sense of belonging, which are associated with greater life satisfaction and psychological wellbeing (Lim & Putnam, 2010) in coping with existential crises. Additionally, religious communities often provide practical support, such as material assistance and emotional comfort, further enhancing an overall sense of wellbeing (Teganahau, 2023). For our family, active participation in the Seventh-day Adventist faith community contributes to our spiritual, social, and emotional wellbeing.

Additionally, the concept of lotu or faith in God was identified as an important part of our spiritual wellbeing that transcends time and place. Praying, trusting God, going to church, meeting with others, sharing, giving, and receiving volunteer services, and so forth, makes up part of our system of lotu and it represents a spiritual dimension of wellbeing for our family. For example, as one of our mothers expressed:

Apaniga ana miya’vo nohina vomo zago noholemave lutoya nolu. N’gekesa no’zugunawa’i sipilo novi. Yanohigoniya n’gelonigofako novito nisi’yago nomino.(Bena language) [My child, we have a great God who helps us. Knowing this fact helps expand my thoughts. Because He continues to do that, I am very thankful and appreciative.] (Komite Jarika, 2023).

In addition, another mother said:

N’gamimoza oifa n’gamimo noto nominone. Gamani magi mel’heme aha. Anama minotamo minoto oto’oto ma lohimo nolha. Zanohigo sipinahuto geke’i nolugi. To’miyavo nohiveluto monoka liplikota luta saka’za, Miyavo makunamo l’migo, monoka lito g’mopati m’loto, lito noto yama nohune. Miyavomova ko’i ya nolmi, nosena nolmi, makunamo nolmigoya ai Miyavomofi’i foke’i hova hova huto nohune, zama hepatolo vonamo. (Bena language). [We are still drinking well water. The government has not helped us for as long as we have been here. That’s why I am emotional (sad). But because we have faith in God and worship Him, He is always blessing us, and we have food to eat. God gives us rain, food, and more blessings. That’s why we are always praising His kindness.] (Kogarugafa Kefuno, 2023)

Numerous studies have explored the relationship between religiosity/spirituality and wellbeing, indicating that religious beliefs and practices can serve as protective factors against stress, anxiety, and depression (Teganahau, 2023; Koenig et al., 2012) including those caused by impacts of climate change. Trust in a higher power provides individuals with a sense of meaning, purpose, and hope, contributing to psychological resilience and subjective wellbeing (Kaipo, 2021; Pargament, 2010). For us, faith in God offers comfort, guidance, and strength during challenging times, enhancing our overall sense of wellbeing.

Good leadership in the community

Finally, from observation and experiences, our wellbeing is well grounded in the presence of good leadership within the family and in the wider community. Our fathers were great leaders who made sure there was harmony in our village. When there are issues in the community, they are usually at the forefront to speak to these issues, and lead in fulfilling cultural obligations. These leaderships skills have been passed down to their children who are currently leaders in the family and community. For example, Saftty Auso, one of the participants, leads the Hege Community Development Co-operative as Chairman. Through his leadership and with support from others, he made connections with government and NGOs to engage our community in livelihoods skills training. This has supported households in the community to preserve food sources and generate household income.

Research on the impact of community leadership and governance on wellbeing suggests that effective leadership fosters social cohesion, local engagement, and collective efficacy, which are conducive to community wellbeing (Helliwell et al., 2014). Communities with strong and inclusive leadership structures are better equipped to address social, economic, and environmental challenges, thereby promoting overall quality of life. For us, the presence of good leadership in our family and community enhances our sense of safety, stability, and collective wellbeing.

Factors affecting wellbeing

From first-hand experience and observation, prolonged drought and climate immobility has impacted our wellbeing and human security in several ways. Providing for the wider family in the village falls heavily on the few working members for any burdens including those inflicted by prolonged drought. With a smaller number of employed family members, lack of employment and limited economic opportunities, the responsibility to meet the financial needs of our extended family members can become overwhelming and burdensome. This places significant stress on the few earners, which can affect their mental health and overall wellbeing. Additionally, the increased financial strain sometimes leads to tensions within the family and strained relationships, and further exacerbates the challenges associated with climate immobility.

In addition, warmer climatic conditions have resulted in the loss of cultural knowledge and skills in growing certain Indigenous food crops. Indigenous crops such as winged beans¹, rungia², pitpit³, etc. which hold cultural significance and contribute to food security, are becoming increasingly difficult to cultivate due to changing environmental conditions. This loss not only impacts our nutritional diversity but also erodes our cultural identity and traditions associated with food cultivation and preparation. This further impacts our overall sense of wellbeing.

As alluded to above, the loss of indigenous building materials due to prolonged drought has resulted in the diminishing of traditional architectural building designs. As natural resources become scarce or unavailable due to environmental changes, modern alternatives are replacing traditional construction methods and materials. This not only diminishes the aesthetic appeal of traditional architecture but also erodes cultural knowledge associated with Indigenous building practices and contributes to a sense of loss.

Furthermore, the loss of traditional salt production and saltwater sources/lakes has significant implications for cultural practices. Traditional salt production and seaweed growth were integral to the livelihoods and cultural heritage of our community in the past. Due to population growth and expansion of food gardens, compounded with annual climate change impacts, large saltwater lakes/wells that grow seaweed and produce salt are lost.

The decline in these traditional practices not only disrupts the economic potential of our inland saltwater system, but also threatens the preservation of traditional knowledge and skills associated with salt production, which to some extent, reduces our unique cultural wealth and resilience.

Climate immobility has contributed to an increase in petty criminal activities in the village, including stealing from people’s gardens, killing other people’s animals for meat, and starting bushfires that destroy coffee plots and gardens. These criminal activities not only undermine community cohesion and trust but also pose significant threats to food security, livelihoods, and overall safety. The rise in such activities exacerbates existing vulnerabilities and challenges we face in the village, further compromising our social wellbeing and village lifestyle.

Impacts of climate immobility on family and community

The impact of climate immobility in our community is evident in the varying levels of non-government support received over the years. Research conducted in Papua New Guinea highlights the importance of external assistance in mitigating the adverse effects of climate change on vulnerable communities (Iati, 2017). However, the distribution and effectiveness of non-government support varies across different locations and demographic groups, leading to disparities in access to resources and services.

For instance, rural and remote communities such as our village receive less support compared to urban areas, exacerbating existing inequalities and challenges associated with climate immobility (Goina, Vaike, McCommon, et al. 2018).

Moreover, apart from other causes of illness and death, climate immobility in the village has also been associated with increased mortality rates and deaths among family members in different locations or of different generations in Papua New Guinea, including in our community at large. Extreme weather events, such as cyclones, floods, and droughts, pose significant threats to human health and wellbeing, leading to injuries, illnesses, and fatalities (World Bank Group, 2021). Vulnerable populations, including children, elderly individuals, and those with pre-existing health conditions, are particularly at risk of adverse health outcomes due to climate-related disasters and environmental changes as seen in the above tok stori quote. These sentiments are supported by the climate change and human health literature from the National Institute of Environmental Health Science (2022). In addition, limited access to healthcare services and infrastructure in remote and rural areas (UNDP, 2022) like our village further exacerbates the impacts of climate immobility on mortality rates and health disparities within local populations such as ours. In relation to this, our Community Co-operative Chairman, brother Saftty Auso, expressed his heartfelt thoughts:

Taim ol gavman tok kominiti mas organise, establishim association na corporative, then next plan ol mas i gatim. How ol ba kam in na assist. So tingting blo mi, mi sa tingting planti olsem gavman blo yumi mas i gatim budget blo gen (for village corporatives/associations). Because the village corporatives/associations cover all the villagers. Igatim pikinini istap, igatim lek nogut istap, igatim ol pipol with disabilities. Ol widows ol istap. Ol widowers ol istap. Ol orphans istap. So every group of people, just like a church, ol istap insait tu. So gavman sapos em lukluk gut (pay attention) lon disla na kam up with good plans (such as having budgets for village co-operatives/associations, mi ting olsem pipol ol ba satisfy.

Ol wokman long gavman ting olsem we are okay, we are alright. They are close to town, so they are okay. Ol sa ting olsem but no. Mipla pipol still sa kisim bagarap yet. So, mi hamamas lo yu ken kisim disla toktok blo mi na, at least ba yu putim igo lo wonem level mi hamamas.

Disla em olsem first of its kind ya. Hamas years mipla experiencim disla (dry season) same thing over and over. Same thing over and over but nogatim sampla gutpla plan we gavman blo mipla mekim. Ah, mipla just lukim olsem its normal but planti lives ol sa suffer lo disla kain season. Even sampla life tu, inap lo stap ya ol save lusim life. (Tok Pisin).

[When the government insists that communities must be organised and register co-operatives, then it must have good plans in place to support. So, I always think this, that the government should have an annual budget for registered village cooperatives or associations. Because the village associations cover all the villagers. There are children, disabled people, widows, widowers, orphans, etc. Every group of people, just as found in a church, are here. So, if the government pays attention to this and comes up with good plans (have budgets for registered village associations), I think people will be satisfied.

Government officers usually think that we are close to town and are alright with basic services. They used to think like that but no, we are still suffering. So, I am happy that you can take my voice to the next level.

This research is the first of its kind. We have been experiencing drought over and over for many years. The same thing over and over but there are no proper government plans in place to assist us. We have normalised droughts, but many people have suffered. Even some people who are supposed to be alive are lost (during such times).] (Saftty Auso, 2023)

This quote demonstrates the severity of life challenges in our village, particularly when climate change aggravates issues related to water scarcity and food security. Lack of systematic formal support for rural people means they are always excluded from many government policymaking and planning stages. The long-term impact of non-government support programmes on family resilience and wellbeing require further evaluation and analysis to inform future interventions and policy decisions.

Addressing the underlying determinants of health, such as creating annual budgets for registered village cooperatives, and building resilience to climate change are essential for reducing mortality rates and promoting the wellbeing of our community and many families across different locations and generations in Unggai-Bena District and in Papua New Guinea.

Key Insights

Our family and community have found meaningful support through various channels, including the Hege Community Development Cooperative, government initiatives such as Department of Primary Industry training in apiculture, State Owned Enterprise interventions like Coffee Industry Corporation training on coffee husbandry, Non-Government Organisation efforts such as Care International’s installation of catchment tanks, and the continuous volunteerism and community services provided by the Seventh-day Adventist Church Group. Additionally, the financial support from employed family members both in-country and overseas has been crucial during difficult times. To address prolonged droughts and subsequent climate challenges, we urge for policies and practices that prioritise water provision, regular service delivery, and annual budget allocations for registered village organizations and associations. Protecting and promoting our dignity and collective Indigenous rights can be achieved through using village-based data for local development policy interventions, annual government interventions during dry seasons, creating job and income-generating opportunities for village youths and households, and formalising village policing systems to curb petty crimes. The support that has been meaningful for our family and community include:

• Hege Community Development Co-operative
• Government intervention: Department of Primary Industry training in apiculture and information sharing
• SOE intervention: Coffee Industry Corporation training on coffee husbandry (household production and processing)
• NGO intervention: Care International’s installation of catchment tanks and skill training on food preservation training
• Church’s continual intervention: Seventh-day Adventist Groups (Women, Youth, Laymen) who continue to do volunteerism and various community services
• Few employed family members in-country and overseas who support financially in times of hevi.

The policies and practices that would be meaningful for us with regards to dealing with prolonged dry seasons and subsequent climate immobility are:

• Water provision
• Regular service delivery and inventions
• Annual budget allocation for registered village organisations/associations

Our dignity and collective Indigenous rights can be protected and promoted by:

• Using village-based data to inform local development policy interventions.
• Regular (annual) government interventions during dry seasons
• Creation of more job opportunities for village youths
• Creation of more income generating opportunities for households
• Formalise and endorse village policing system/strategies to curb petty crimes in the village.

Case Study Approach

This case study is one of 10 multigenerational family or kin group stories across six Pacific nations (Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu). The case studies collectively sought to examine Pacific understandings and experiences of resilience and wellbeing in the context of climate mobility. The research had three key objectives:

• Explore how Pacific families understand and demonstrate climate mobility resilience over time and space.
• Examine the impacts of climate mobility on Pacific families’ wellbeing.
• Identify priority policies, processes and practices for Pacific families’ climate mobility resilience and wellbeing.

The research approach with my kin group prioritised the Melanesian values of relationality, reciprocity, knowledge, and culture. I used tok stori to engage stories of immobility across time (historical, contemporary, and future aspirations) and space (homelands, diaspora, multidirectional mobility, immobility). Tok stori is a Melanesian Pacific relational mode of communication and involves people sharing stories of their experiences as experts in their own lives (Fasavalu & Reynolds, 2019; Sanga & Reynolds, 2018). The tok stori explained here is using Solomon Islands Pijin. It is the same as ‘stori’ in PNG Tok Pisin. Hence, stori occurs in a “trust-based relational space where people listen well, connect deeply, and contribute to the conversation” (Steven, 2020, p. 136).

Fieldwork was conducted in Nagamito village with three related kin groups that comprised of five representatives in August 2023. I engaged a few family members to share and interpret the intent of the research. They then selected and prepared four elderly participants for the tok stori sessions. The fifth participant was selected during the fieldwork as the need to engage a representative from the younger generation arose. In total, five individual tok stori sessions with two females and three males within the age range of 40-70 occurred. All participants, except one, did not have a formal education therefore, had limited understanding of the science of climate change. To support the data that was gathered from individual tok stori sessions, a group discussion was organised. This gave an opportunity to other family members to share their collective experiences. We gathered valuable insights into the family’s past collective and individual experiences, and what the future looks like for the younger generation.

Together, their lived experiences of seeing changes in food and cash crop yields, prolonged periods of water shortages over time provided the data needed to understand how they, including our people from past generations, survive during very dry periods.

The tok stori sessions were audio and video recorded. Reflexive thematic analysis was undertaken of each tok stori session. This involved listening to each recording several times for familiarity, undertaking selective transcribing in the language spoken - in this case in Tok Pisin and Bena Bena languages, with the latter language being dominant. Key ideas were identified and then organised into themes and sub-themes before translation of these themes into English. In addition, analysis included tok stori/talanoa at workshops and team check-ins with other team members and with a nominated family member.

The study was assessed and approved by the Aotearoa New Zealand Ethics Committee (AREC23_07). Research approval was also granted by The PNG Science and Technology Secretariat (RA 10-23). Verbal permission to access the research site was granted by the Unggai Bena District Administration.

Acknowledgements

Thanks to the following people for making this research possible:

• Group participants: The families of Kanagabo, Kemiepa, and Namagosa kin groups.
• Participants: Kogarugafa Kefuno, Komite Jarika, Esa Kemiepa, Saviya Kikipi, and Safty Auso for sharing their experiences and insights into drought resilience and climate immobility in Nagamito Village.
• Research Assistant: Namamo Auso for organising the family members, village logistics, and review work on language and interpretation.
• B Keket Films for audios, videos and still pictures of the case study.
• Unggai Bena District Office for permission to conduct village-based research.
• Pacific Adventist University for institutional support.
• PNG Science and Technology Secretariate for country level approval.

New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has commissioned this work, funded by New Zealand’s climate finance. The views expressed here are the authors’ alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the New Zealand government.

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ⁱ _{‘Climate mobility’ is an umbrella term for situations where climate change and environmental factors are a driver for people moving, and for situations where people decide to stay in place. Some examples include the relocation of a community within a country (e.g. moving a village inland in response to natural hazards such as flooding or sea-level rise), an individual’s temporary move for economic reasons (e.g. via labour mobility schemes), and permanent migration within the Pacific.}

¹ _{Scientific name - Psophocarpus tetragonolobus. Known as hasbin in PNG, is a tropical legume plant that has edible pods, leaves, flowers, seeds, and roots (link). It used to be widely grown in Eastern Highlands Province and other highland areas.}

² _{Scientific name – Rungia klossii. Also known as mushroom plant, rungia is mostly grown in moist conditions in the highlands of Papua New Guinea as a source of green vegetable. (link)}
³ _{Scientific name - Setaria palmifolia. This grasslike, indigenous food crop is called the Highlands pitpit that used to be widely grown in the Eastern Highlands Province and other parts of the highland region. (link)}

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