Nanumaga Story

Halahalaaga o te Manuia

Ko te halahalaga o te manuia mo aku tama e maluga i toku mafaufau
Ne kamata atu aku o kakave latou ki te akoga
Munaa oku tuaa, sose mea taaua e maua i te tautaa
E heai he mea lelei e maua ne koe i te moe.

Ko te halahalaga o te manuia mo aku tama e maluga i toku mafaufau
Ne galue aku mo te tautaa ko te mea ke fagai ki ai toku kaaiga
Aku tama, taku avaga mo oku matuaKo latou konei e kai tahi matou i te omotou koga ‘kai.

Ko te halahalaga o te manuia mo aku tama e maluga i toku mafaufauIkai, aku e heki maheu ki tua ona ko ‘tau o aho
Ko te halahalaaga o te manuia ko te mulivaka o toku kaaiga
Me ko te olaga manuia e halahalagina.

Te Atua o fakamanuiaga!
E maua oku fakamanuiaga ona ko KOE!
E halahala aku ki te manuia, kae
Ko te manuia e halahala mai!

Seeking the Good Life

It is the halahalaga o te manuia for my children that governs my thoughts
I started by sending them off to school
My old people would say, important things will be found through sweating
You will find nothing good by sleeping.

It is the halahalaga o te manuia for my children that governs my thoughts
I sweat through my job to put food on the table
My kids, my wife and my parents
These are the people who share from our table.

It is the halahalaga o te manuia for my children that governs my thoughts
No, I did not move out because of ‘tau o aho (that is what they call climate change)
It was the halahalaga o te manuia that made me do so
For it is the good life being sought.

God the blessing-giver!
Blessings I receive are because of YOU!
I seek the good life,
and the good life seeks me!

Introduction

In the embrace of the Pacific Ocean lies our island, Nanumaga, within the archipelago nation of Tuvalu. I, Tomu Paneta Hauma, the author of this narrative, am a son of Nanumaga who spent my formative years (until the age of 11) in Nauru, and I now live in Funafuti (Tuvalu’s capital). As a nephew of Tumua Tafea, I take pride in exploring and sharing the story of Tumua Tafea’s family experiences of climate mobilityⁱ. For this case study, I engaged five family members in faitalaga(storytelling) in Nanumaga and Funafuti (see ‘Case Study Approach’ section).

Nanumaga, and other islands in Tuvalu, grapple with the challenges posed by climate change. Yet, for the Tumua family, the decision to migrate is not solely a response to these environmental challenges. Instead, it is a move in the pursuit of economic prosperity.

Faced with limited economic avenues in Nanumaga, the Tumua family is taking a bold step to secure a better future. The allure of an improved economic position, access to education, and enhanced healthcare steers our course toward new horizons. Our strategic migration is a testament to our determination to shape our destiny and provide a brighter future for future generations.

By prioritising economic opportunities, the Tumua family acknowledges the importance of sustainability and adaptability in the face of a changing world. Decisions to relocate are a strategic manoeuvre to thrive in environments where opportunities align favourably with our aspirations, whilst staying connected to our roots. Our narrative of strategic migration underscores the agency of families in crafting destinies, navigating the challenges presented by a changing climate while seizing the opportunities beyond.

This case study begins by describing the Nanumaga geographic and socio-cultural context, including some of the climate issues faced, before introducing the Tumua family. In the ‘Resilience’ section, the family’s attitudes and strategies for dealing with climate change are explored, including the voices and experiences of our family with climate adaptation, resilience, and mobility. Following this is the ‘Wellbeing’ section, which explores the challenges and contributions to community wellbeing; the approaches and attitudes towards communal responsibilities, and how this impacts family life. Considerations for future thinking and action, including adaptation and resilience, prospective migration decisions, economic aspirations, and policy implications, are summarised as key insights. Finally, the case study approach is outlined.

Context

Nanumaga is part of a chain of nine inhabited coral islands in Tuvalu, stretching over 420 miles from northwest to southeast. Nanumaga is Tuvalu’s second most northern island. The elevation of 4 to 5 meters above sea level emphasises the low-lying nature of our islands. Rain is a precious resource, collected through rain catchment systems in our homes. The northern islands of Tuvalu experience an average rainfall of about 100 inches, while the southern islands receive approximately 125 inches. The southeast trade wind dominates our skies, and westerly storms occasionally make their presence felt from November to February.

Nanumaga currently has a population of around 325 people, with a declining population over recent decades. While the Nanumaga island population was 491 in 2017, this was a decline from a population count of 714 recorded in the 1991 census. On the other hand, the number of Nanumaga people living in Funafuti (Tuvalu’s capital island) has been increasing, as is the count of those from other outer islands living in Funafuti. Between the 1991 and 2017 Tuvalu Census, Funafuti’s share of Tuvalu’s population increased from 35.1% to 60.2%. In 2017, there were 722 Nanumaga people living in Funafuti and 63 living in other outer islands of Tuvalu (Tuvalu Statistics, 2020).

Culturally, Nanumaga is organised around four traditional clans: Mouhala (fale o tupu – house of kings); Magomahi (fale o te maliega – house of peace), Magatai (fale o muna - holder of arcane words); and Kalava (fale o te moana – house that looks after the wealth from the ocean). Additionally, a new clan, the Poiteloto clan, emerged in 1990. These clans operate collaboratively under the governance of Te Falekaupule, the island’s overarching ruling body. Our traditional clans are a vehicle for collectivityin many facets of life, including decision making and our connection to “fenua” (land and culture) (Apinelu, 2022).

The northern group, including Nanumaga, has faced unprecedented challenges in recent years, with persistent and impactful drought. The Government of Tuvalu declared a State of Emergency in July 2022 when drought conditions led to “a critical undersupply of household water for drinking and general purposes” (Kilgour, 2023, p. 4). A study that assessed water and hygiene needs of drought-affected populations on the three northern islands noted that these islands are rarely included in Tuvalu research projects due to their difficult accessibility. This making needs assessment a priority in the event of future climate issues, “to inform ongoing drought response efforts, particularly around longer-term, equitable access to water, as well as assisting in better planning and delivery in future responses” (Kilgour, 2023, p. 4). The survey pointed out that perceived community tensions increase in times of drought and water shortages, as do experiences of illness and disease, loss of crops, dust, and reduced capacity to bathe and wash clothes (Kilgour, 2023, pp. 9-10). Another assessment suggested that the water shortages were exacerbated in Nanumaga when tanks were in disrepair (National Drought Household Assessment, 2022).

Life on Nanumaga is deeply rooted in agricultural traditions, with families tending to their home gardens, pulaka pits, and raising livestock, including pigs and chickens. Fishing, a skill passed down through generations, also sustains us. Our homes are powered by electricity, a luxury once confined to Funafuti. Satellite television and a single radio station connects us to news and entertainment. In the face of modernity, Nanumaga, like its Tuvaluan counterparts, has embraced a way of life that blends tradition with Western influences.

Formal education in Nanumaga is provided in a preschool programme for children aged 3 to 5 years old, and at the Lotohoni Primary School catering to students from Class 1 (6 years old) to Form 2 (13 years old). Upon completion of Form 2, students take the National Year Eight Examination (NYEE), and only those who pass have the opportunity to advance to Form 3 at either Motufoua Secondary School (MSS) in Vaitupu or Fetuvalu Secondary School (FSS) in Funafuti. Some fortunate individuals pursue additional training and education abroad, broadening their horizons. English is widely used and taught in schools, bridging our heritage and the broader global community.

The Church of Tuvalu unites the majority of our people, echoing the strong influence of Protestantism. Nanumaga has a health clinic staffed by one or two nurses, but otherwise medical care is accessed at the hospital on Funafuti. Tuvalu has been an active participant in the Seasonal Worker Programme and the Pacific Labour Scheme (Kitara et al., 2024; Taafaki, 2023).

Nanumaga, with its rich heritage and resilient community, stands as a testament to the delicate balance between tradition and progress. In the heart of the Pacific, this atoll island tells a story of survival, adaptation, and the enduring spirit of the Nanumaga people.

The Tumua Family

The Tumua family are from the clan of Magomahi (fale o te maliega), where Tumua Tafea Tausi is the head of the family (matai o te kaaiga), the male father figure. As noted earlier, Magomahi (fale o te maliega) historically dealt with the judiciary role on the island and thus earned the title ‘house of peace’. They mediated conflicts and provided peaceful resolutions among two or more parties on the island. Tumua was initially married to Failelei, the daughter of Sani and Silaumua.

Both Tumua and Failelei had eight children: six boys and two girls. In 1986, Tumua and Failelei travelled to Nauru to work at the phosphate company with some of their children. They returned to Tuvalu in 2006, after Tumua’s contract expired and when all of their children had their own families and were spread across the Pacific for either education or empoyment.

Only the fifth-born child, Alvin, is still in Nanumaga, as he and his wife work there. Tumua’s oldest child, Logomalie, was in Funafuti during the time of our faitalaga and then moved to Australia working in a seasonal work scheme in Melbourne, whilst his family were back in Funafuti, Tuvalu’s capital. The second-born child, Tuni, at the time of the faitalaga, was in New Zealand with his family; whilst having their vacation in mid-2023 they stayed on after finding his wife’s Tokelau ties in New Zealand. Two other sons, Sepoe and Johnson, the fourth and seventh-born children, were now in Suva, Fiji, studying at the University of the South Pacific (USP) and accompanied by their respective families. One of Tumua and Failelei’s children was adopted by friends in Nauru when Tumua was working there. At the time of the faitalaga the adopted child was in New Zealand with his adopted parents, as the parents moved to New Zealand from Nauru in the 1990s.

The reasons behind the family’s migration across the Pacific are multifaceted. Climate change effects may play a role, but employment and/or education factors appear equally relevant. Their collective path hints at a shared inclination towards future mobility, leaving room for various interpretations and possibilities.

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Resilience

Strong resilience to the effects of climate change was evident in every faitalaga we had with family members. For example, according to Haufili, Tumua’s niece (the daughter of Tumua’s youngest brother), staying on Nanumaga will not be an issue because the island’s powerful winds and wave surges will still affect them if they move to another island.

Attitudes and strategies for dealing with climate change on Nanumaga

Reflecting on the decision of her siblings, her cousins (Tumua’s children), and other members of her family, Haufili highlighted the following:

A latou e heki galue keatea mo Nanumaga ona ko pokotiaga o mafulifuliga o ‘tau o aho tela e pokotia i ai a tatou katoa. Kae ne galue keatea mo Nanumaga ona me ia latou e halahala he olaga tai lei atu. Ke taku ne tatou pela me ia latou nei ne galue keatea ona ko mafulifuliga o ‘tau o aho, ki te aku he ‘mau e haa tonu, me i matagi malohi mo galu lahi ne mea loa kola e ‘tupu ia latou… e haa iloa ne tatou a te taimi tela e poko mai ai pela hoki mo te taimi e gata i ai. A mea konei ne mea loa e tupu. Me ne gahue koe ki Vaitupu, e pau loa e poko hoki i Vaitupu. Io me e gahue koe ki Niusila, me he fenua hoki fakatea, e pau katoa loa, e haa iloa ne tatou a te taimi e oko mai i ai a mea kona. [They moved out of Nanumaga not because of the threat climate change poses to all of us. But they moved because they were in search of a better life. To think that climate change caused these people to move out of Nanumaga is incorrect, for these strong winds and high tides were things that do happen on their own… we do not know when they will arrive and when they will cease. Those things will happen whether we like it or not. Whether you move to Vaitupu, it will be the same, those disasters will also strike there. Or whether you move to New Zealand, or any other country, it is all the same, we will never know when those disasters strike].

While Haufili never made any explicit reference to resilience, her remarks about disasters occurring everywhere you go indicate that she is aware of the constant threat of danger in every nation. Thus, remaining on Nanumaga will not actually protect them from the effects of climate change.

Later in the faitalaga, she talked about what her father had done to lessen crop damage in case another disaster may hit Nanumaga in the future.

E manatua ne aku i te aho e tahi i te taimi o matagi malohi, kae koi agiagi malie ai a te matagi, koa fai o poko malohi kae ne taumafai a toku tamana o fano o taa mai a pulaka kola koa lelei i te taa mo pulaka kola koa tai lelei ake loa i te kakai mai i te omotou vaipulaka sameni me i te mea mana poko mai a te matagi kae fakamahei katoa ne ia a omotou pulaka. Kae Fakafetai ake loa ki te mafaufau o toku tamana me ne fati mai a te galu kae e lei me koa oti ne taa ne ia a omotou pulaka kola koa lelei i te kai. [I remember when one time a storm was approaching Nanumaga, and my father told me that we go to our cement pulaka plantation to uproot our pulaka that are good to be eaten and some that are almost good to be eaten, so that when the storm strikes the good pulaka are safe from the natural disaster. Fortunately for us, and thanks to my dad’s good judgement, when the storms struck and waves came over our pulaka plantation, the good ones were already safe from such a natural disaster.]

When it comes to historical calamities that have affected the island and their effects, the older generation appears to have far more knowledge than the younger ones. Fialua, the 67 year old father-in-law of Alvin (Tumua’s fifth child), shared the following experience:

Ne iloa ake ne aku i matagi malohi mo galu fafati ne poko iluga i tou fenua nei ne uke kii a mea ne fakalavelave mai ki te aku mo toku kaaiga. Tahi o fakalavelave ne poko ki toku kaaiga ko te faigataa o te oko o matou ki omotou manu fagai. Ne oko ai ki te aku mo toku kaaiga ke faaite ne omotou kaupaapaa i te vao ke tai atea atu mo te omotou falemoe tenei i fakai. Ona la ko te omotou falemoe tenei i fakai e too pili ki te tai, e tuu tonu loa ki te auala o matagi malohi mo galu fafati. Kafai he matagi malohi me ne galu e ‘fati ki te fakai, matou katoa loa i te fakai nei e pokotia katoa loa, kae ko matou maise tino matua mo tamaliki mo latou ai e pokotia mahei, e fakalafi ki te Lotohoni Primary School i tena double story tela he fale sameni kae malu mai i matagi malohi mo galu. Kaia fua la e olo ai matou ki te akoga manafai e mafai loa ne matou o faite ne omotou fale ki vao tela e hao ai aku mo toku kaaiga? [I came to realise that previous natural disasters that had struck the island had caused difficulties and obstacles for my family and me. One problem that such a catastrophe caused us was our accessibility to our livestock. Thus, it occurred to us to construct our temporary shelters in the bushes, a distance from our village home. Because this village home is close to the seaside, it is directly in the path of frequent natural disasters. When a natural disaster strikes the tiny village, everyone in it—especially the most vulnerable — are evacuated to the grounds of the Lotohoni Primary School, where they take refuge because the double-story, concrete buildings are positioned in a secure area and are therefore protected from such calamities. Why would we go to the primary school compound for shelter when we can build our own shelters further in-land for our family safety during natural disasters?]

Fialua was proactive in his approach to any potential calamity that could strike Nanumaga. He highlighted the following in our faitalaga:

E mahani tele loa o lagona ne tatou a ‘tou tino e tagitagi tele ki te Kaupule a ‘tou fenua e uiga mo fesoasoani mai i te Kaupule io me ko te ‘Malo ke mafai o fakatuu a olotou kaupaapaa, io me i niihi taimi o taaui atu a olotou sene ne fakatuu ki olotou fale ne fakamahei ne matagi malohi io me ko galu. Aku ne manatu ake pela me kafai e fakatali aku ki he fesoasoani penei kaa fakatuai fua ne ia a te fesoasoani tela ne ‘tau o naa fakaoko ne aku ki toku kaaiga i te taimi tenei. Ne togi aku kopekopega mo faaite a te kaupaapaa a toku kaaiga, ne fakataunu ai ne aku a toku mafaufauga tena mai i tua i te TC PAM – ne faite e lua kaupaapaa a toku kaaiga. [It was usual to witness people lamenting with the Nanumaga Kaupule about funding support from the Kaupule or the government to offer to them to build their kaupaapaa (wooden shelters with open doors) and, at times, to recompensate them for actual damages caused by a natural catastrophe. I, however, thought that waiting for such support would mean delaying the support that I should be rendering immediately to my family. I purchased the materials for the shelters and then put my intentions into action – I built two kaupaapaa in-land since after the TC Pam.]

Fialua and his family’s relocation to the island’s interior, where his “second home” (as he described it) was built, also addresses the issue of access to their livestock. Furthermore, he believes that their family kaupaapaa is secure from the immediate effects of natural disasters because their second home is adjacent to the island ponds, which means that if waves strike and run in the direction of their family kaupaapaa, the effects of the waves will be neutralised when they reach the ponds. This is sound preparation and analysis to safeguard his family from the effects of future natural disasters.

Alvin, Tumua’s fifth-born son and Fialua’s son-in-law, and Tumua’s only child presently residing in Nanumaga, indicated that he is not concerned about the prior wave surges and severe winds that struck the island because their house is much further in-land. Even during and after those previous disasters, their house was barely affected.

All three family members residing in Nanumaga – Haufili, Fialua, and Alvin – stated that land tenure and land laws had little effect on their daily affairs. This was largely due to the absence of land disputes with other family members, as most relatives were currently off the island. Consequently, they appreciated the ample land space available to them, enabling them to enjoy the benefits of their individual land holdings. They each had sufficient land and had derived significant advantages from the accessibility and utilisation of their respective plots.

In terms of their current and previous mobility experiences, all five participants (including the two Funafuti participants, Logomalie and Lulia) stated that they had no firsthand negative experiences with their movement from Nanumaga to Funafuti. They feel it is pointless to seek assistance from anywhere because access to shipping and land transport is relatively easy. Logomalie, who was ready to travel for Australia under the seasonal work scheme, stated that both the company he will be working for and the government have been quite supportive of his journey.

Wellbeing

Wellbeing in Tuvalu, in the eyes of this kaaiga, relates to how happy and content they are to live on the island. This includes their level of peace of mind with the way their family live, survive, and prosper on the island.

Challenges and contributions to community wellbeing

Staying on the island of Nanumaga, according to all three members of this kaaiga living in Nanumaga - Haufili, Alvin, and Fialua - is good in most circumstances. Although the two younger generations, represented by Haufili and Alvin, admitted that “mea fai a te fenua” (contributions to the island community) were sometimes an impediment to how they each contribute to the wellbeing of their respective families, both elaborated that the availability of vast lands to each of them (as most of their family members were outside of Nanumaga) meant contributions to the island were outweighed by what they personally received from their pieces of land.

Approaches and attitudes towards communal responsibilities and their impact on family life

Alvin explained that he and his family have a simple way of life. He mentioned sharing his fishing catch with his in-laws, to show how they provide food for their family on Nanumaga. Alvin and his wife both work on the island, so they do not see the need to search for economic opportunities elsewhere. His wife is a teacher and he works at the Nanumaga Kaupule (Town Council).

Fialua, being 67 years of age, eagerly revealed that he has peace of mind living on Nanumaga since he would be able to do whatever he wanted at any time. Food preparation and other contributions to the island community at particular communal events and responsibilities have long passed for him, and his children will make those contributions on behalf of his family. He can work as much as he wants during the day, relax whenever he wants, and even go see his friends and converse with them whenever and for as long as they want, sharing their stories with each other.

Haufili, much younger than Fialua, shared the following observation:

E tonu me i tautino mo tusaga fai a tatou ki loto i te fenua e fai mo fakalavelave i te ukega o taimi, ki luga i atiakega a ‘tou kaaiga tootino, kae e ‘tau o manatua ne tatou me i tusaga fai konei a kaaiga takitahi ki loto i te fenua ne tusaga katoa e fai mo te lei pela hoki mo te noho ‘toka o tino katoa i luga i te fenua. [Of course, the communal responsibilities at most times do stand in the way of your attempts to develop your respective families on the island, but one has to understand that those contributions from each family on the island, toward the community, were things that were meant to develop the status and ongoing livelihood of the whole community.]

She obviously shared the understanding that communal life has overall benefits. She understood her communal roles and the part she and her family would have to play towards her community, and also understood her part to play towards the development of her family. Fialua reiterated the same and added that such contributions to the community were not new and that they had been doing all of those things in their time until they aged, and those responsibilities were then fulfilled by his children. He shared the following:

E realise ne aku a te fakalavelave e tupu i tupulaga kola mai i lalo. E kau lagonagina hoki iloto i te omotou fale e tavili fua pela… taa!... fai koe fai koe a otou mea kona e fai; a te mea na e moe te mata e tahi, kae fai a te lima i te galuega koa oti ai… a mea naa ne mea fua e fai pela, kae ko koulua naa koa noho loa o fakanaanaa pela… me i mea nei ne mea hoki ne tupu ia matou… e pena hoki, e oko mai na ki otou taimi koa aumai ai koutou o noho mai i luga i pou? [I realised a problem in the young generation nowadays. I even hear within my household complaints such as “oh no!” … and I encourage them to keep on contributing towards the community; those things would only require closing one eye whilst the hands do the work, and it will finish in no time… What may seem like simple work is often overlooked for its inherent simplicity. These tasks were once commonplace activities in our own youth. When the time comes for you to take on leadership roles, you will come to appreciate the straightforward nature of these tasks, just as you did when you were youthful and energetic.]

In contrast to Fialua, Haufili shared her version of peace (filemu) as a state of not worrying about money when she remains in Tuvalu. She elaborated:

Ki te aku loa, toku mafaufau loa pela, tino nei la fia move la ki tua mo Nanumaga… pela mo ... mafulifuliga o ‘tau o aho… aku e fia noho loa iluga i te fenua nei… ona loa ko te filemu ... e tonu e uke a mea pela, mea fai… kae ko koe loa, ko te filemu… pela la mo fenua kola, e tonu… kafai koe e mafi i te galue, koe e ola ki te sene…e uke hoki a fakalavelave tupu e haa ke iloa pela… [To me personally, most people wanted to move out of Nanumaga… like ... (because) of the threats of climate change… but I wanted to stay here on the island… only because of ‘filemu’ (peace)… of course, we have many contributions to the community… but it is the ‘filemu’ (that makes me wanted to stay)… unlike those bigger countries… if you are strong in working, you will survive as you will need money (to survive) … there are also many other problems that you will never know…]

Haufili stressed the critical importance of living without money on the island and that you will never be put on the streets. Whether one has money or no money, it will not be a problem in Nanumaga (or Tuvalu).

Key insights for forward thinking and action

Tumua and some relatives choose to remain in Nanumaga, but they are also strongly connected with kaaiga members in Funafuti and overseas. Although impacted by climate change, practical measures such as building and moving a second house more inland and a perspective that climate change impacts other places too, demonstrates our Nanumaga kaaiga adaptation and resilience to stay in place. Furthermore, as demonstrated in research by Apenelu (2022), being on and under fenua (land) is an expression of and mechanism for our Indigenous collective resilience, wellbeing, and decision-making.

Tuvalu and its inhabitants are sometimes portrayed as victims in need of global support in the face of climate change (Boege, 2022; Farbotko, 2022; Farbotko et al., 2022; McMichael et al., 2019). This is contrasted by local voices, including the Tumua family, with a belief in their own sovereignty and ongoing mobility narrative that acknowledges movement for a multitude of reasons, including economic prosperity. A study by Aselu (2015) discovered:

The quality of life that people refer to was holistic and much wider in scope than the health aspect, in that it includes environment, maintaining social connections and cohesion, and being economically well off as stated by the participants. (p. 81)

Movement out of the island for the Tumua family is driven primarily by economic aspirations rather than climate change directly. While climate-related challenges exist, economic struggles on the islands play a significant role in motivating the Tumua family’s mobility. As Kitara et al (2021) point out:

International labour mobility of people, particularly young people, has long been a feature of atoll life and can support climate resilience in the islands. This is linked to the importance of the homeland to atoll people. (p.6)

Nanumaga people face economic challenges with limited employment opportunities and reliance on external support, including from family residing elsewhere. However, the Tumua family’s motivation to leave the islands stems from a desire for a brighter future, with improved job prospects, living conditions, and financial stability as their primary goals, as is the case with many Pacific families:

Migration with Dignity is about people having choices, including choices to learn new skills abroad, to return home with new skills if they choose, or to have options to settle permanently abroad based on their skills. (Kitara et al., 2021, p. 6)

The Tumua family migrants prefer destinations in urban centres due to diverse employment opportunities and economic mobility. Migration offers increased income potential, job diversification, improved living standards, and access to better infrastructure. The Tumua family endeavours to preserve their cultural heritage through community initiatives, festivals, and language preservation efforts.

Government and NGO support – such as the New Zealand – Tuvalu Statement of Partnership 2019-2023 and labour mobility schemes have a role to play in assisting the Tumua migrants. Policies addressing economic integration, vocational training, and cultural preservation aid in navigating migration challenges and fostering a sense of belonging. The recent Australia-Tuvalu Climate and Migration Agreement, drawing on the ‘fale pili’ concept (the principle of responsibility between neighbouring families), adds to the raft of policies that open opportunities and the choices available to Nanumaga people, including the Tumua family.

The personal stories of the five members of the Tumua family indicated that most of their family members pursued economic gains through migration. These have implications beyond the atolls and emphasises the need for comprehensive policies, awareness, and global collaboration.

Overall, it was economic aspirations, rather than climate change alone, which has motivated the Tumua family to leave Nanumaga. Balancing economic gains and environmental concerns is essential for sustainable development and a prosperous future for the Tumua family and their extended family.

Case Study Approach

This case study is one of 10 multigenerational family or kin group stories across six Pacific nations (Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu). The case studies collectively sought to examine Pacific understandings and experiences of resilience and wellbeing in the context of climate mobility. The research had three key objectives:

• Explore how Pacific families understand and demonstrate climate mobility resilience over time and space
• Examine the impacts of climate mobility on Pacific families’ wellbeing
• Identify priority policies, processes and practices for Pacific families’ climate mobility resilience and wellbeing.

The research approach with this family prioritised Nanumaga values, knowledge, and culture. I used faitalaga as a method to engage stories of mobility across time (historical, contemporary, and future aspirations) and space (homelands, diaspora, multidirectional mobility). Recent research seeking to employ Tuvalu-Indigenous research methodologies have utilised sautalaga (Farbatko et al, 2023; Talia, 2022; Yates et al., 2023), however, the word faitalaga is correct for the dialect of the two northern islands in Tuvalu, of which Nanumaga is one, and the other being Nanumea. In this case study, therefore, we employed faitalaga, reflecting a Nanumaga-led approach.

Faitalaga was conducted in Funafuti and Nanumaga Island, both in Tuvalu, with the Tumua Tafea’s family in September and October 2023. The voyage on MV Nivaga III took three days to get to Nanumaga Island from Funafuti, the capital of Tuvalu. Three family members engaged in faitala with the researcher in Nanumaga and two in Funafuti. In total, five participated, including two females and three males with the participants’ age range between 18-67 years of age. The faitalaga were audio and video recorded. Reflexive thematic analysis was undertaken of each faitalaga. This involved listening to each recording several times for familiarity, the undertaking selective transcribing in the language spoken - in this case Tuvaluan. Key ideas were identified and then organised into themes and sub-themes, before translation of these themes into English. In addition, analysis included faitalaga at workshops and team check-ins with other team members and with a nominated family member.

The study was assessed and approved by the Aotearoa New Zealand Ethics Committee (AREC23_07). A research permit was also provided by the Tuvalu government.

Acknowledgements

Thanks to the government officials and organisations who gave approval and supported this study: Ms. Leilani Saitala, Director, Department of Immigration; Dr Tauisi Taupo, Secretary, Ministry of Justice, Communications, and Foreign Affairs; and Mr Fakasoa Tealei, Secretary, Ministry of Local Government and Agriculture.

New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has commissioned this work, funded by New Zealand’s climate finance. The views expressed here are the authors’ alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the New Zealand government.

References

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ⁱ _{‘Climate mobility’ is an umbrella term for situations where climate change and environmental factors are a driver for people moving, and for situations where people decide to stay in place. Some examples include the relocation of a community within a country (e.g. moving a village inland in response to natural hazards such as flooding or sea-level rise), an individual’s temporary move for economic reasons (e.g. via labour mobility schemes), and permanent migration within the Pacific.}