Nukunukumotu Story

Si’oto ‘Ofa He ‘Otu Sia

Si‘oto ‘ofa he ‘otu Siá
Langi mālie Langi tafitongá
To‘oa ai ‘eku tokangá
Matangi Tonga angi fakalatá
Kāpui ai e funga fonuá
Fakama‘unga ki ai ‘eku to‘ongá
‘Ave ‘eku ‘amanaki ki lelengá
Uoke! ‘A e matangi liu fakaholo ná
Kuo tafuhi ‘ea ‘o natulá
Ta ki ‘uta, Ta ki fangá
Maka tupu‘anga eni ‘e ‘auhiá
Maka tupu‘anga eni ‘e ‘auhiá
Paepaea ki he manatu ‘aunoá
Si‘oto ‘ofa he ‘otu Siá

Oh how I love my ancestral hills
Adorning the evening sun under clear skies
They take the breath away
Gentle breezes from the south
Caress the face of the land
Captivating my soul
But alas hope turns to despair
Winds returning in their wrath
Nature changing its countenance
Intensifying its grip on land and sea
My beautiful isle is crumbling
What once was is but a shadow a memory
Oh how I love my ancestral hills

Introduction

Malo e lelei. Tulu mo hou’eiki mo ha’a tauhi fonua. Kole keu hufanga he ngaahi fakatapu kae ‘ataa mu’a keu lafo lalo atu he ha’ofanga ni. Ko hoku hingoa ko Nailasikau Halatuituia, mei he Ha’a Tafafale ka ‘oku ou ungafonua kia Fakafanua ‘i Ma’ufanga. ‘Oku ou fakafofonga’i ‘a e Mana Pacific Consultants ‘o Papaioea, Nu’u Sila.

This case study focuses on the community and island of Nukunukumotu, Tonga, with the aim of understanding the experiences of the local kāinga (extended family) regarding mobility and climate change. Our findings indicate that there were various reasons motivating mobility choices for this Nukunukumotu kāinga. Primarily, these choices related to family, employment, and education opportunities, which may involve short or long-term relocation. Whether temporary or permanent, migratory choices are typically for the betterment of life, and are generally voluntary. However, increasingly involuntary migration is becoming a reality due to environmental reasons, including climate change related events.

This case study begins with the context of the Nukunukomotu community and the island’s socio-cultural significance, organisation, settlement, and climate awareness. Following this are sections discussing the occurrences and experiences of migration, which reveal the familiarity, complexity, and challenges of migration.

In subsequent sections, kāinga members relayed the importance of safety and long-term survival for themselves, the need for ongoing rather than sporadic assistance, and the importance of wellbeing (including in relation to their connection with their land). They consider relocation a last resort. A summary and description of the case study approach is also provided.

Context

Ko homau motu ni (Our island)

Nukunukumotu, now commonly known as Siesia, is an island community on Nukunukumotu Island. The current inhabitants are descendants of a kāinga (extended family group) who moved to the island from Ma’ufanga, a neighbouring and longstanding settlement on Tongatapu Island.

Located off the eastern end of Nuku’alofa (Tonga’s capital), Nukunukumotu is an island with an estimated area of 1.32km². It is a low lying coral island tilted towards the west, with slight elevation towards the east. A large area of the island has been inundated by sea water as a result of storm surges during tropical cyclones over the years. The tsunami triggered by the volcanic eruption at Hunga Tokelau and Hunga Tonga in 2022 has exacerbated sea water intrusion (Stone et al., 2019).

The Nukunukumotu settlement, and the whole island, has a rich history. The few sia (mounds) on the island, like those on the other side of the channel on Popua, speak volumes. The name Siesia literally means an area of many sia. A few sia were identified during my visits to Nukunukumotu for this case study.

The sia, commonly known as sia heu lupe (pigeon snaring mounds), belong to members of the upper tier of the classical Tongan society. These are small, artificial manmade mounds made of rocks and/or soil and were commonly used in the 1400s. It is said that mangroves with fruit trees are planted on them to attract pigeons. Similar mounds, also known as ‘esi (chiefly sitting mound), could be located at Nukunukumotu.

The age of most of the Nukunukumotu cultural mounds cannot be established beyond doubt, but the nearby Popua cultural mounds seem to fall between AD 1200 and 1770. The archaeological and historical importance of the sia lies in their rarity, their elaborate stone-facing and their overall uniqueness. The Nukunukumotu elders are proud to claim this heritage as their own, hence their commonly known settlement nickname, Siesia. As expressed by one of the Nukunukumotu kāinga:

Kapau te mou foki ki he talafakafnua, ko e Siesia ‘oku ‘uhinga ko e lahi ‘a e ngaahi sia. ‘Oku totonu ke tokoni e Pule’anga ke hoko eni ko e matanga [If you go into history, the meaning of Siesia is many sias. The Government should help to restore and declare this as a heritage site] (Ofisa)

In essence, having some cultural mounds in the area, that is, having sia and ‘esi, show that Nukunukumotu has socio-cultural significance (Freeland, 2018). In fact, the island is said to be of Ha’a Takalaua and it was their base for serving the Tu’i Tonga. One of the sia was used to hang fishing nets and belonged to Kula, a prominent fisherman from the Fakafanua clan. Most of the original settlers were descendants of Kula. Fakafanua is a modern noble title, and Kula is now Lord Fakafanua’s designated talking-chief.

Ko e ‘eiki ko ee ko Fakafanua Fangupo mei he Ha’a Takalaua ne tupu mei ai e tokolahi heni [Many of the kāinga here are descendants of Fakafanua Fangupo from the Takalaua clan]

The people of Nukunukumotu are not mere migrants who settled in the island. They had a purpose and social connection to an established clan (Ha’a Takalaua), are rooted to the land, and so this cultural value still resonates today.

Ko homau ki’i motu si’i kae maau (We have a small island, but we are well organised)

According to the Ministry of Lands, Nukunukumotu Island has 15 ‘api tukuhau (tax allotments) and an undefined number of ‘api kolo (town allotments). The only known ‘api kolo is the church compound, according to the Land Registry. However, there may be some land registration applications still in process. The important point is that the settlement layout today is as it was centuries ago. The respect and relationship amongst the community runs strong, to the extent that land disputes are a rarity.

The settlement layout reflects the social setup and traditional makeup of the original community. It is claimed that the pioneer instructed his three children how to settle. Today, there are three general zones, the northern zone are descendants of the elder brother, and the southern zone are descendants of the younger brother. In the middle, the descendants of their sister settled. This traditional layout, based on customary land practices, reflects respect, devotion, discipline, and protection. The sister, also the only daughter, was given the middle grounds because of her gender and associated social status being higher than the brothers.

Nukunukumotu settlement has a 100% Tongan population who predominantly belong to the Church of Tonga. The 2021 census showed that 55 people belonged to the Church of Tonga, one person was Catholic, and one belonged to the Free Church of Tonga (Tongan Statistics Department, 2024).

According to the local people, the first Siasi Tonga Hou’eiki (Church of Tonga) in Ma’ufanga was established in Nukunukumotu, before it was established in the main Ma’ufanga settlement (noting that Ma’ufanga was originally a strong Catholic location). Again, having one dominant religion adds to the oneness of Nukunukumotu people.

In the last four censuses (1996, 2011, 2016, 2021), Nukunukumotu mirrored the national demography, with almost 50/50 of females and males (Tongan Statistics Department, 2024). However, the number of households and people seemed to slightly increase over time (see Table 1).

The natural increase of Nukunukumotu population is balanced by the migration pattern, as people moved to the main island of Tongatapu, and some people moved to Nukunukumotu Island over the years. Evidently, there are more people moving out than people moving in, hence the number we see today (Tongan Statistics Department, 2024).

Climate change was not explicitly stated as a reason for moving, but it was implied in the experiences mentioned. The role played by climate change is long-term and camouflaged. However, the changes and impacts were clearly experienced and frequently mentioned during the fieldwork, as will be elaborated in later sections. The table below (Table 2) shows the age structure of the Nukunukumotu population over recent decades (Tongan Statistics Department, 2024).

Nofo ‘a kāinga (Kāinga settlement)

He ko e me’a na’aku ha’u ‘o sio heni, ko e nofo ‘oku ma’uma’uluta pea faka’ofo’ofa e nofo he fetokoni’aki [One thing that I noted when I moved here is the sense of togetherness and the appealing quality of helpfulness] (Tupou)

In some places across Oceania, kāinga means family or kin and in other places it means land. However, kāinga, a Tongan term, means kin, relatives, or land. Bonding people together from a family unit up to an extensive communal unit is an empowering concept and shows the value of kāinga in Tonga. More importantly, linking people to the land, means that a kāinga (family, community) draws their identity from the land they call home (Halatuituia, 2002 Teariki & Leau, 2023).Nofo ‘a Kāinga is a Tongan proverb that defines kāinga as a social unit that is the building block of a Tongan settlement. It literally means a settlement of kin or relatives with a common link to the land and social relations with each other. The people of Nukunukumotu today are descendants of the kāinga that settled there circa 1800s.

Ko homau kāinga ‘oku mau nofo fakataha ‘I motu ni. ‘oku mau fetokoni’aki ‘I he anga ‘emau nofo fakafonua [Our kāinga (communal family) live as one community, we help each other as a way of island life] (Satini)

However, the term famili, stems from the English concept of family, and while it has been adopted it is limited to the immediate family, as defined in Western cultures. Therefore, kāinga is preferred; it also has an inclusive and collective inference that reflects the Tongan social values of kinship. As such, we can refer to the people of Nukunukumotu Island as “kāinga Nukunukumotu” or “kāinga Siesia”.

Findings

Nofo mo e ha’aha’a ‘o natula (We live with natural incidents)

Laka ange pe kuohili ia he kuonga ni, he na ‘e si’isi’i ‘a e taimi afaa, taimi ni ‘oku mei hokohoko pe ta’u ki he ta’u [It was better before than now, less cyclone then, now we have cyclone every year] (Tupou)

It is fair to say that climate change as a phenomenon, although a topic of intense discussion globally, is yet to be fully taken on board in small grassroot communities such as Nukunukumotu. For generations, they have been living their lives as best they could, including surviving natural hazards and surviving by being practical (Sattler et al., 2020). This is what is referred to as adaptation in the science of climate change. Their survival and adaption taught them that they can deal with changes in the climate. Unfortunately, this is based on seasonal and perennial changes, and is nowhere near the long-term effects of climate change as more broadly understood. The term “climate change” is recently introduced, and they learn about climate change largely through government, foreign donors, and civil society. Even though they do not explicitly cite climate change, their stories of change in the environment is like a deposition of climate change.

^{Ko e fehikitaki ‘oku hoko pe ia homau motu ni (Migration is a common occurrence in our island)}

Nau ‘uluaki hiki nautolu, matuku pe kinautolu ‘oku kei kakano e founua ni, ko e toki lau mai pe eni ia feliuliuaki ‘a e ‘ea taimi ni [They migrated, moved when we still had the land with no erosion, this climate change talk came more recently] (Ofisa)

Tongans have experienced (im)mobility for centuries. People move for a combination of reasons, not just a single reason (Lee & Tupai Francis, 2009; Maron & Connell, 2008). Kāinga Nukunukumotu have been mobile for generations, but early moves were to local areas that were safe and familiar.

Ne hiki mai ‘a ‘emau kui tupu’anga mei Ma’ufanga mo ‘ene fanau Ko e tehina pe ‘o Fakafanua [Our pioneer ancestors moved here with his children from Ma’ufanga. A close relation (cousin) of Fakafanua] (Ofisa)

The known original family that moved to Nukunukumotu were from Ma’ufanga. Of course, people married into the community, and some of their relatives also moved into the community. In addition, the Nukunukumotu social setting meant that the kāinga can only marry into or bring spouses from outside the island. Thus, people have moved into the kāinga or Nukunukumotu kāinga members moved to join their marital partners. However, there is a desire to return to the island.

Fehangahangai ‘o e ‘uhinga ki he fehikitaki (Complexity of migration practice reasoning)

Nofo hili koe kumi mo’ui (Living on other peoples’ land to pursue betterment)

’Oku ‘ikai ke ‘iai hamau ‘api (‘i Tongatapu) sio atu ko eni pe ko homau ‘api…..ka ko e si’isi’i e fale mo e ‘ave fanau ki he ako [We don’t have land (in Tongatapu), we have land here in Nukunukumotu, but the house here is too small and we need our children to be educated] (Ofefine)

This is a familiar story of Nukunukumotu migrants, a voluntary migrant in this specific case, as there is an option, and they chose to migrate. However, limited housing space poses an involuntary aspect of migrating from Nukunukumotu. This shows the complexity of migration even for a small island community of Nukunukumotu. Further, the desire to return to Nukunukumotu is based on land availability and access, especially family land.

Nunu’a kovi ‘o e fehikitaki (Challenges of migration)

Labour mobility programmes offer the opportunity for Nukunukumotu residents to go overseas for seasonal work (Dun et al., 2023; Gibson & Bailey, 2021). The benefits of seasonal employment are welcomed by kāinga. Unfortunately, one of the kāinga also experienced the downside of such programmes. The husband went on one such programme five years ago and has not returned, leaving the wife to step up, head the household and look after their seven children. She explained:

Talu e ‘alu e hoa he toli te’eki ke toe foki mai ia ta’u eni ‘e 5. Pea ‘oku ou fai e ngaue fa’ahitangata mo e fa’ahifefine ke tauhi e fanau [My husband went on the RSE five years ago and he has not returned. So, I do both the mother’s and the father’s duties to raise our kids] (Fono)

This is not uncommon with seasonal employment schemes, the social impacts of which are not yet fully comprehended. In this case, the husband completely left his wife and children. The mother struggled but can keep the children together and educated. Tragically, the situation forced the eldest son to work as a diver, and this led to his death recently.

Faingamalie ke kumi ha mo’ui (Opportunity to seek better life)

More permanent international movement is also a recent part of the Nukunukumotu migration pattern. Such mobility provided opportunities for kainga betterment (Gibson & Bailey, 2021; Lee & Tupai Francis, 2009).

Toko lahi homau kāinga ‘i muli pea muimui atu ai pe fa’ahinga [A lot of our people are overseas, and some are following them] (Hua)

Given the cultural values of helpfulness amongst kāinga Nukunukumotu, migrants assist others to migrate for a better life, leading to chain migration. Those who migrated to Australia opened avenues for some of their kāinga Nukunukumotu to also migrate to Australia. This chain migration plays a part in concentrating kāinga Nukunukumotu migrants in a particular city overseas.

Nukunukumotu young people, who got married and moved to other villages on Tongatapu Island a few years ago, mostly resided with their spouse’s kāinga. This arrangement gave young couples access to work opportunities. Now that they have children of their own, their children’s education has come to the fore as a reason to reside in Tongatapu.

Tukufakaholo ‘o e kelekele (Land inheritance)

Land plays a part in people’s decision to return to Nukunukumotu. For some, this is underlined by the fact that their parents are aging. Their responsibilities, and the need to reciprocate the care their parents gave them, has drawn them to return to Nukunukumotu.

Land is a major part of our Tongan identity. Once a parcel of land is registered, it becomes a family inheritance. The succession to land is through the first-born male heir as stipulated in the Land Act. Furthermore, the heir will forfeit his rights as heir if he becomes a foreign citizen. It was only recently, post 2007, that dual citizenship was allowed for Tongan citizens more generally. For Nukunukumotu heirs, this is a dilemma that they must navigate if they migrate overseas, either to maintain or waive their land rights.

Mahu’inga ‘aupito ‘a e malu mo tolonga ‘o ‘emau mo’ui (Our safety and long-term survival is very important to us)

Resilience, for the local Nukunukumotu people, is a practical causal outcome of their living environment. As demonstrated through their life experiences, resilience is a way of life. It is a practical part of encountering and countering natural disasters, enduring and, ultimately, it is a survival tactic.

Kei fai pe me’a he taimi koee fekau’aki mo e ngaahi naunau ‘o tahi…kāinga he motu ni, ;ikai fai ha fesiosiofaki….kei fevahevahe’aki pe, koloa pe ke tatau pe tama ko e emo e tama ko ee [We still do what our people did in the olden days regarding the ocean, as a kāinga there is no selfishness, we share equally] (Ofisa)

As this quote demonstrates, working collectively and sharing is simply a practice of survival for kāinga Nukunukumotu. While the word resilience is not a term that Nukunukumotu kāinga relate to, they certainly live it in practice, and their resilience has allowed them to live through various environmental challenges to date.There is no guarantee that this will be the case in the future, with the current climatical trend.

However, the kāinga keep on expanding their fishing area, even towards nearby islands. This also means that they adapt their fishing methods to include more deep-sea fishing than before, according to the elders. A decade ago, they only ventured into the adjacent foreshore and mudflats to access plenty of seafood. With fewer fish and other sea resources in their traditional fishing areas, kāinga Nukunukumotu are forced to venture further out to fish. A lot of the time, they must go to nearby islands to fish, and sometimes have to spend a night or two on those islands.

A famili has suffered the consequence of a fast-adapting fishing trend when they lost a son in a diving accident. This was due to being ill-equipped and lack of proper training in deep-diving sea urchin harvesting. However, the kāinga supported this famili during and after the funeral. The kāinga as a united entity pulled through together, shared the loss, supported each other, and helped the famili. Despite that loss, the kāinga continue to be fishermen. Culturally speaking, kāinga always come together to celebrate or to grieve. This situation allows for a culturally based resilience adaptation, something that has been commonplace for Tongans for generations.

Growing up and living in a challenging environment like Nukunukumotu is a resilience blessing in disguise. The culture and tradition of Nukunukumotu have adaptation and resilience built into their survival practice. Hence, with limited assistance from government, they persist through both climatic and environmental challenges. The cultural practice of tauhi vā (nurturing relationships), feveitokai’aki (sharing and cooperating), and ‘ofa (love and compassion), are all values that are entrenched as part of the response to every natural disaster the kāinga encounters. The strength of cultural practice is demonstrated in the following quote:

‘Uhinga ‘eku ta’efiehiki mei heni…ko ‘emau kau pekia….neongo e feliuliuaki e ‘ea, ko e fanga kui ‘oku nau tatoka heni, ‘oku ‘ikai keu fie mavahe au. Mau kumifonua kae li’aki kinautolu [Reason I do not want to move, is our deceased, despite the climate change, our ancestors are buried here, if we migrate to new land, who will look after our ancestors buried here] (Satini)

A lot of attention has been given to migration (mobility) but those who stay (immobility) also needs attention.

Ko e ngaahi tokoni mai kia kimautolu (Assistance provided to us)

Recent natural disasters have been immediately followed by government assistance and foreign donor assistance, but residents noted that while the support is appreciated it also needs to be ongoing (International Monetary Fund. Asia and Pacific Dept., 2022; International Monetary Fund. Asia and Pacific Dept., 2023).

…lahi e faka’amu ia ki he tokoni mei he pule’anga hange ko e langa fale….’oku mau kei fakaongoongo talu mei he sunami [We have a lot of needs for assistance from government like rebuilding houses, and we are still waiting ever since the tsunami] (ST)

The people noted that there has been little assistance in between natural disasters; meaning that assistance is an immediate response but does not necessarily build resilience (International Monetary Fund. Asia and Pacific Dept., 2022). After years of requesting, only recently was a water main line established connecting Nukunukumotu to the mainland.

Excavating around the island to build a barrier/foreshore has stopped the sea intrusion to some extent. In addition to the barrier, it also created a channel around the island. However, it was clear that a more resilient solution is needed. The sea still intrudes into the middle of the island, cutting off the settlement from the higher parts of the island (Stone et al., 2019). This is the area that they used for small household farming, burial grounds, and as safe ground during natural disasters. Recently, government laid a gravel-filled and compacted road to connect the settlement and this elevated part of the island. However, the sea intrusion is still a reality during bad weather. In the view of one kainga member:

…ko e kelekele eni ia ‘a e ‘Otua na ‘e foaki, he ‘ikai honge…ka ‘oku tupu e maumau mei he taki hala e tangata [This soil was God given and it will not be bare, the adversity happens from erroneous leadership] (H)

However, there are still community needs that the Nukunukumotu people fight for. Some of these needs had been agreed to but not yet honoured. By the same token, the Nukunukumotu community leadership have attempted to do these themselves.

Ko ‘emau lelei fakalukufua ma’a kimautolu (Our wellbeing)

Wellbeing is important to kāinga Nukunukumotu, and includes physical and spiritual aspects, not necessarily financial wealth. Migrating away from affected areas is not necessarily a conviction of the people. The socio-cultural ties to the land influences people’s thoughts towards immobility, particularly older generations. The younger generation adults seem to be more willing to be mobile. This does not necessarily mean migrating permanently but migrating with some desire to return.

Mobility is more prevalent for reasons of life betterment, not necessarily climate change, citing education and work as the main reasons for mobility (Gibson & Bailey, 2021; Maron & Connell, 2008; Teariki & Leau, 2023). In addition, the fact that Nukunukumotu people are related to each other means they must marry outside the island; either they move with their partners outside the island, or their partners move to the island. In certain circumstances, at least one of the siblings is obligated to stay with their elderly parents.

However, those who mobilise still hold strong ties to their family and the island. It seems that despite, or because of, the diaspora overseas, Nukunukumotu people are drawn to affirm their identity through kāinga linkages. In turn, this identity leads them to their land of origin, in this case, Nukunukumotu.

It is not uncommon for people overseas to be proud of where they came from in Tonga, especially in a social gathering. That gives them a sense of belonging and emphasises their kāinga relationship as a unit that is rooted in their land of origin. In summary, Nukunukumotu values and culture, therefore, are exercised transnationally.

Key Insights

Ko ‘emau fehikitaki ‘a kāinga pe (Our kāinga migrating)

There were five main reasons for the mobility pattern on the island, according to the local people interviewed.

• Marriage
• Work
• School
• Seasonal employment
• Long term migration (overseas and main island)

Migration ranged from temporary to permanent. Even with permanent migration, Nukunukumotu people still return for short term visits. Some even returned or wished to return permanently, especially from the main island.

Nukunukumotu migration is complicated in practice when considering that Nukunukumotu people migrate voluntarily and/or involuntarily. The migration is largely voluntary, that is, they migrate for family reasons (marriage), education, employment, and better opportunities. Migration is more voluntary than involuntary. Involuntary migration away from Nukunukumotu can primarily be linked to environmental reasons, which includes climate change. Involuntary migration relates to climate change when Nukunukumotu people move due to damage to their residences or sea intrusion impacting their land.

Na ‘e lahi e oo mai ‘o faka’eke’eke kimautolu (A lot of consultants came here)

Nukunukumotu, like a lot of communities, has been inundated with different studies, interviews, and engagements with local and overseas consultants. This has challenged me to try and set a talanoa atmosphere that allows them to share freely and not answer in a scripted manner.

Ko ‘emau vakai ki he feliuliuaki ‘a e ‘ea (Our take on climate change)

Climate change is an introduced term for Nukunukumotu people. Their interpretation of climate change is rather more focused and practical. They encounter natural disasters and react as best they can on short-term periods, not in the sense that most scholars see climate change over a longer period.

Ko ‘emau fetukutuku mei heni ‘oku taumama’o ia (Relocating us is not considered)

Relocation should be the last resort. Recent relocations due to disasters in Tonga has had mixed outcomes. A comprehensive well-informed consideration is required before relocating a community or kāinga like Nukunukumotu.

Fiema’u ha halafononga ke mau malu ai (We need a long term plan to protect us)

The resiliency of the Nukunukumotu people largely derives from their own experience and practical reactions. External assistance certainly helps, but these are received on an incidental basis, like following a sudden onset event like a cyclone. Nukunukumotu needs a long-term resilience plan that is comprehensive with clear objectives, driven by the Nukunukumotu community.

Case study approach

As a Tongan and a landowner, my tie to the land strengthens my position as a Tongan storyteller. It also, however, blurs the line between me as a researcher and the community as participants. Importantly, talanoa methodology sets the boundaries and allows experiences and information to be conversed and shared.

On the first day of the fieldwork, it was a typical beautiful cloudless day in the Kingdom. Standing on the eastern edge of Nuku’alofa, the coastal banks of Patangata, we could see the little fibreglass vessel coming to pick us up. Getting on this tiny vessel were three fully grown Tongan men - myself and two cameramen - with the vessel’s single rower. Clearly, the crossing was going to be a challenge. What came to mind though, was the question, “Are you willing to take the risk, as locals do every day, to seek ‘truth’?” You can tell that the rower would have struggled a little bit, but he put on a brave smile all the way. Such an experience immediately put me in an “island mode” way of thinking. In a small way, we felt and saw part of the struggle that kāinga Nukunukumotu are only too familiar with.

Our case study is one of 10 multigenerational family or kin group stories across six Pacific nations (Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu). The case studies collectively sought to examine Pacific understandings and experiences of resilience and wellbeing in the context of climate mobilityi. The research had three key objectives:

• Explore how Pacific families understand and demonstrate climate mobility resilience over time and space
• Examine the impacts of climate mobility on Pacific families’ wellbeing
• Identify priority policies, processes and practices for Pacific families’ climate mobility resilience and wellbeing.

Our research approach with this family/kin group prioritised our Tongan values, knowledge and culture. We used talanoa methodology to engage stories of mobility across time (historical, contemporary, and future aspirations) and space (homelands, diaspora, multidirectional mobility). Talanoa is commonly used as a Pacific-specific qualitative approach to data collection because it is culturally based. It is a group encounter where a space is created for people to tell their past, their issues, their realities, and aspirations. Having a talanoa is more than a conversation, it is sharing and accepting the presence of all parties involved, even people from outside a particular community or kāinga.

Fieldwork was conducted in Nukunukumotu settlement with various kāinga members. The people who engaged in the talanoa agreed and consented to be part of the talanoa. Having people participate was not an issue, the issue was accessing the Nukunukumotu Island, as this can only be done via a small boat or a walk across the channel during low tide.

The talanoa were audio and video recorded. Note taking was limited because taking notes would be disengaging; facing away and writing during a talanoa is not respectful in our Tongan culture. However, I wanted a more genuine talanoa setting during the interviews. Listening to each recording several times for familiarity, then undertaking selective transcribing in the language spoken - in this case Tongan - key ideas were identified and then organised into themes and sub-themes, before translation of these themes into English.

The study was assessed and approved by the Aotearoa New Zealand Ethics Committee (AREC23_07). Research was also provided by Ministry of Education and Training, Letter of Approval REF 43/1/1 of 24 August 2023, as well as the Prime Minister’s Office, Letter of Approval REF ORG 1/8 v.23 on 25 August 2023.

Acknowledgements

New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has commissioned this work, funded by New Zealand’s climate finance. The views expressed here are the authors’ alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the New Zealand government.

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ⁱ _{‘Climate mobility’ is an umbrella term for situations where climate change and environmental factors are a driver for people moving, and for situations where people decide to stay in place. Some examples include the relocation of a community within a country (e.g. moving a village inland in response to natural hazards such as flooding or sea-level rise), an individual’s temporary move for economic reasons (e.g. via labour mobility schemes), and permanent migration within the Pacific.}