One-time, in olden times,
Island was filled with manmeri (people),
And bush could not feed,
Even sea could not give,
The Kulaus (young coconuts) not enough,
Only bush brown water stap (was there)
But none of us were sick,
Men sailed, women gathered,
We watched, we hoped, we shared
We overcame.
We searched, we grated too young bananas
Men sailed, canoes sometimes sank,
We traded, they traded -
Things brought out, things brought in,
One coconut tree had two, even three,
We collected, we gathered,
We watched, we hoped, we shared
We overcame.
Then we moved, we settled,
Not many - one family - only us,
In thick forests,
Banana leaves for plates,
Coconut shells for cups,
We worked hard; we cleared bush,
We beat kundus (drums)
We planted, we built
We overcame.
Today?
The sea breaks,
Corals have gone; histories have gone
Land boundaries fail, Government systems fail,
Yet…
Our barter systems, our marriages,
Our people hear - the bell rings,
We strive, God knows.
Introduction
My maternal grandmother’s name was Arapme, from the Patnav clan of Tuam Island of the Siassi group of islands in the Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea. My mother, Katembong Galiki (traditional names), was her first child. Both are deceased. My grandmother passed away several years before I was born, while my mother passed away in 1991. Their graves are in Yaga village and Tuam Island respectively. I live in Port Moresby, the capital of Papua New Guinea, but went to Yaga (Umboi Island in the Siassi group) to tok stori with my Patnav clan family about climate mobilityi.
This case study is a story about some of them who moved and resettled in Yaga village. The initial movement was in 1962 by one family, made up of children and their grandparents. Their moving to Yaga was due to severe food shortages compounded by population increase on Tuam Island in the 1950s.
Tok stori with my relatives of the Patnav clan provided understanding of how they were able to survive in their new site since the first movement. Their resilience drew inspiration from their ancestral stories of survival, understanding the value of hard work (spirit of endurance), having the support of their communal living system, intermarriage with the host communities, ongoing trading/barter systems with their traditional trading partners and, most importantly, having a Christian faith. My own experiences and personal observations have also been drawn on throughout this story.
This case study includes several sections. The context includes brief background information on locations and family members who engaged in the tok stori. The resilience and wellbeing sections give insights into what inspires them to navigate life in their new homes. Key insights provide tok stori highlights on ways to assist my people to navigate life better and harness the challenges and opportunities that present themselves. Finally, the case study approach section includes the purpose and methods undertaken in this study.
My wantoks (family), who are now resettled in Yaga village on Umboi Island, have ancestral connections to the villages and islands within the area of Siassi, nearby islands and villages of West New Britain Province and Morobe Province (Finschhafen area). Our original island of Tuam is about 14 kilometres from Umboi Island with a land mass of 80 hectares (Kaitilla, 1992). As shown in the map below (Figure 1), Tuam Island is located between Umboi Island to the east, rest of Morobe mainland to the west and New Britain Island to the southeast. It takes about 45 minutes to an hour by speedboat to travel between Umboi and Tuam Islands, depending on the weather conditions and the power of the speedboat.
Umboi is one of the 18 islands in the area and is the largest island with a land mass of 930 km². There are three mountain ranges with Mt Talo being the highest at 1584 meters. It is one of only seven islands that are inhabited. The languages spoken on Umboi are Papuan Kovai and Austronesian languages (Ploeg, 1985). The Lutheran Mission was established on the island in 1936 by Pastor P.H. Freund (livepterosaur.com). My wantoks in Yaga now contribute to the total population of people living on Umboi. Even though Umboi is an island, because of its large size my people refer to it as the mainland (tan tina in the Saveen local vernacular or bikpeles in tok pisin).
It takes about 15-18 hours to travel between Lae city (in mainland Papua New Guinea) and Umboi (Lablab station) on the Lutheran shipping vessels. The time of travelling depends on the ship’s size, the engine’s power and the weather conditions.
My aunty M.A. was one of the first people to move to Yaga with her siblings and grandparents in 1962. According to her, people experienced sever hunger due to poor crop yields and overpopulation on the island in the 1950s. There was also limited land space for agricultural purposes, nor were there enough fish in the reefs to cater for everyone at the time. These were the push factors for their moving away from Tuam to Yaga.
Aunty M.A.’s father was the village Luluai (village leader) at the time and requested Mr. Bob White to relocate his family to Umboi. Mr. Bob White was an Australian Patrol officer who was overseeing the area in the 1960s as part of the Australian Government Administration, prior to independence. Due to Aunty M.A.’s father’s proposal to move his family, an agreement was reached and land was secured under Mr. Bob White’s leadership and guidance. Hence, the first movement was that of the Luluai’s family - the first settlers.
Over the years, many families have joined. Some moved for similar reasons and others for better health services, education and economic opportunities. My own maternal grandfather, along with my step-grandmother also moved from Tuam Island to resettle in Yaga permanently in the late 1980s and early 1990s. He had lived in Yaga with his first wife, Arapme, in the past, but not permanently as there was still movement back and forth from Tuam Island.
My wantoks have similar cultural practices to their neighbouring island communities due to our ancestral heritage and the ongoing contact between them, through the established trading/barter systems (Chowning, 1986). The Tuam language is called Muutu and is classified as one of the Austronesian languages in Morobe Province (Hooley, 1976).
Through the Lutheran Mission, Christianity was introduced in 1911 and the first baptism in the Siassi archipelago was held in Tuam in 1914 (Hayter, 2011). Some Tuam Islanders, including my relatives who are now resettled in Yaga village, continue to practice their Lutheran beliefs. There are about 500 plus people now in Yaga village. Yaga is situated adjacent to a government station called Lablab. The station has a secondary school and a bigger health centre. Most serious health cases are referred to the district hospital in Finschhafen (Coast of Morobe Province - mainland New Guinea). There is an airstrip as well but it is no longer operational due to high freight costs. Thus, the Lutheran Shipping Services and locally owned speedboat/dingy are their only means of transportation.
It takes a 10 to 15 minutes’ walk from Yaga village to Lablab station.
There used to be a shop in the station where people purchased store goods, but this too shut down a good number of years ago. This was also due to high freight costs for shipment of cargo. In addition, poor cash flow associated with lack of commercial activities contributed to the shop shutting.
Today, most people, including my family, buy their few basic store goods in Lae for consumption and also to resell from their homes in Yaga.
Tuam has a small clinic but most often there are no basic medical drugs to treat sick people. Apart from that, there is a small primary school that was established by the Lutheran church as the only education service on the island. They usually have two or three classes going for their primary school in a year. Hence, most often, very sick relatives come to Yaga for medical attention and some of them send their children to stay with relatives in Yaga to attend school.
Communication was a huge challenge in the area until a Papua New Guinea Government entity set up its network around the mid-1990s. Despite some breakthroughs, telecommunication was still limited to phone booths and prepaid phone cards. These prepaid cards are purchased in Lae but sometimes people buy them in Lae and resell them in the village with their own price mark up. Around early to mid-2000, a private mobile company erected a mobile phone tower on Umboi, providing wider access to telecommunications in the area. However, challenges still exist, and extreme weather conditions affects networks.
In conversations with both my family, from Tuam and Yaga villages, it was mentioned that very powerful winds accompanied by rains are experienced in June, July and August. These are normal climate patterns as described by Kaitilla (1992, p. 369), where January to April is the hottest with temperatures ranging from 20-32 degree Celsius, while May to June is the coldest with temperatures ranging from 19-30 degrees Celsius. They are accompanied by South-easterly winds that can last until October/November. However, weather patterns have changed drastically, like in other parts of Papua New Guinea, the Pacific (CSIRO, 2011), and the world (Houghton, 2009, Cohen, 2009 & Dessler, 2012).
My family also mentioned the sea level rising. This can be seen clearly as the beach area where we used to play as children in both Tuam and Yaga are now covered by the sea [see figure 3]. This is confirmed by CSIRO (2011), reporting sea level rise of 77mm per year since 1993, which according to them is far higher than the global average of 3.2 ± 0.4mm per year (p. 177).
In addition, the rising sea level continues to contribute to beach erosion, destroying the shoreline habitats and shifting sediment onto the nearby reefs. This is affecting the reefs’ productivity in both Tuam and Yaga villages.
Moreover, they also experience strong winds that last longer than the usual times and prolonged dry seasons. These things greatly affect my family’ livelihoods in Yaga as they depend on their gardens and seafood for personal consumption and economic reasons (Pittock, 2013). Apart from food crops, marine resources play a significant role in food security and economic aspects of the island communities (Johnson et al., 2020). These types of challenging situations often cause my wantoks in the villages to seek assistance from their family/wantoks who are working and living in the urban areas.
Furthermore, unpredictable weather patterns often affect the Lutheran Shipping schedules. This poses travel safety concerns. In times of emergencies, my family often resort to speedboats or dinghies to travel across the rough open seas of the Vitiaz Strait. They usually travel without any safety gear to the district hospital in Finschhafen (Coast of Morobe Province) or even to the main hospital in Lae.
Vitiaz Strait is the most treacherous passage in Papua New Guinea (Lindstrom, 1990). Many lives have been lost due to being unable to get very sick or injured people across in time for medical attention during rough weather conditions, as well as from boat accidents. One of the biggest maritime accidents in the history of Papua New Guinea happened around this spot with more than a hundred lives lost in February of 2012 (lattianderson.com), leaving the country in great disbelief and grief. People who have lost their loved ones are still grieving up to this day.
Despite Yaga being situated near a government established station on Umboi, basic services like shops, a police station, better health and education are very much lacking. Many seek these services in Finschhafen or Lae (provincial town).
Three of my relatives from my grandmother’s clan, Patnav, took part in the tok stori. The number of clan members is unknown, as some are in Tuam and many are living in other parts of the country.
Aunty M.A.’s father, my grandmother’s cousin brother, was the Patnav clan man that initiated the first movement to Umboi – so his children, his parents and his wife’s parents were the first settlers in 1962. Aunty M.A. is the first-born daughter of this man, moving with her siblings as a twelve- or thirteen-year-old child at the time. Most of the early settlement experiences are recounted by her through tok stori.
R.A. (adult female) is biologically related to Aunty M.A. (elderly female). She is aunty M.A.’s niece. She is the first-born daughter of aunty M.A.’s second-born brother. R.A. spent some of her early childhood (1980s) and teenage years (1990s) living and schooling in Yaga village with her father’s family. She later moved to town to pursue further education and employment. She lived with her husband and children in town for a while but recently moved back to Yaga after the passing of her husband. Tok stori with her draws experiences of how life used to be as a child then and now as an adult in Yaga village.
J.L. (adult male) is a close relative. J.L. moved with his family to Yaga when he was about seven or eight years old, sometime around the late 1970s.
The first movement was purposeful, to seek out new land for gardening and sea for fishing in order to sustain life. Others like J.L.’s (adult male) family join them later in Yaga village as a way of creating space for other families on the island, where increased population continued to be a challenge given limited resources. In addition, J.L. added that his family moved to Yaga to provide support in accommodating relatives who would come from Tuam for trade, medical attention or education (especially secondary schooling).
Tok stori also revealed that more recent movements to Yaga are more for education and economic purposes. In addition, it is highly likely that remaining relatives and others on Tuam will be move to Yaga in the near future, given that the shorelines of Tuam have now moved further inland, and seawater is passing through a lower part of the island from one side to another. This is more evident during the high tides or the king tides. People are beginning to realise that their island is no longer the same.
According to an observation by Dr. Simon Saulei, a local scientist, Siassi Islands are eroding more rapidly than before. The risks and the possibility of relocation for the island communities were noted during his maiden speech as a member elect to the newly established Morobe Climate Change Committee in Lae (National, 2013).
These are the realities of my family on both Tuam and Yaga. The current situation in Yaga is incapable of catering for the extra population that will move in from Tuam in the future.
Despite the significant effects of climate change experienced by my family, Tuam Islanders have found a way to strive and survive, resonating with Indigenous resilience demonstrated in other places in the face of colonisation, globalisation, development patterns and climate change (Ford et al., 2020; Lazrus, 2012). Key resilience factors identified in our story include hard physical work and mental/emotional endurance, communal living, trading/barter systems, intermarriage with local traditional landowners and Christian faith in God.
The first settlers to Yaga village did not have the luxuries of modern machineries or tools. They only had simple bush knives and axes and relied mostly on their physical, mental and emotional strength to work. They cleared thick forests to make their gardens and build their homes, eventually establishing a settlement now called Yaga village. Aunty M.A. recalled:
Part of having the mental and emotional endurance to survive hardships and challenges is inspired by their ancestral stories and observation of how their grandparents and parents navigate life challenges.
Aunty M.A. recounts her Tuam experience prior to resettlement in Yaga:
One of the difficulties they face today is the restrictions on land and sea use in Yaga village. As the population continues to increase, it is testing land and sea boundaries set and agreed back then. Yet, despite these challenges, my wantokscontinue to find innovative ways to utilise the lands that were allocated to their families when they first settled. My wantoks are traditional yam planters and are used to planting big gardens of the different varieties. Planting different varieties of yams requires a lot of sticks to hold up the vines or leaves. This is not possible with limited access to forests to cut sticks. Today, instead of planting yams as the main crop, they do intercropping with bananas, cassava, pumpkin and others - and those who are able plant peanuts for commercial purposes.
At the same time, my wantoks still go back to Tuam Island to get food crops or they go to their traditional fishing areas around Tuam to get marine resources for their personal consumption or economic purposes.
R.A. (adult female) recounts an experience on this.
These are examples of my family having physical, mental and emotional strength to endure difficult situations through strategising and finding what works best given available resources.
Communal living governs the way we think, talk and take action. Regardless of the population being across two locations, families on Tuam Island continue to support families in Yaga village and vice versa. They also have good support from the host communities. However, the relationship with the host communities is being tested at this time as our growing population is beginning to threaten the land/sea boundary limits that were agreed in the past. Also, as younger generations are taking over, many take lightly cultural agreements, values and friendships that were established in the past.
R.A. (adult female) shares her insight on this.
Despite the realities of all these emerging challenges, communal living continues to be a source of strength for my wantoks living in Yaga village.
Tuam Islanders are historically long-distance traders (Lilley, 1986) and they sailed canoes for trading expeditions as far as Madang Province. However, their close trading partners are the people on Umboi, part of Finschhafen (Coast of mainland Morobe Province) and parts of West New Britain province. Figure 1 (small map) shows the places the Tuam Islanders traded with.
As islanders, my family often traded fish for food crops and other essential things. Restricted access to forests and seas for resources, and especially for fish to trade, is limiting their trading opportunities. Today, basic modern store goods such as rice, flour or sugar can also be exchanged for other needed goods and services. Most often, they go back to Tuam to get food crops, fish for personal consumption or to sell or exchange with the locals for their needs.
However, recent tok stori with my family also highlighted a grave concern. The climate change impact on the sea resources in the areas near to them is significantly affecting another group of people known as the Aromot Islanders. Their island is only a hectare in size and takes about 10-15 minutes by speedboat from the jetty on Umboi. Due to their small land mass, the people rely greatly on the marine resources. This situation now forces the Aromot people to secretly and ‘illegally’ harvest corals from the reefs surrounding Tuam and other uninhabited islands belonging to the Tuam people.
It was mentioned in the tok stori that the Aromot people harvest large amount of coral to rebuild their island and also to cook and sell as lime (powered form) to meet the demands of the urban dwellers for lime consumption with betelnuts. In addition, they also sell coral as lime in large quantities for agricultural purposes (as some claimed) to people in town. This is, unfortunately, a way for them to survive, as their island is rapidly eroding and their reefs are now less productive.
These actions are causing great damage to our reefs and the marine life in those places. This is beginning to have a negative effect on my family in Tuam, and Yaga as well, with regards to their dependency on sea resources for consumption or trading purposes.
Below are accounts of their experiences exchanging fish for things that they need through trade/barter systems.
M.A. (elderly female) recounts early settlement experience:
J.L. (adult male):
R: J.L also adds:
Apart from the trading/barter system with the people around them, my family also sell their artifacts, crafts or their mumu (ground baked) banana leaves wrapped food on the wharf, competing with the other villagers who live in the area as well. This is usually once a week when a ship comes in from Lae, passing through Umboi to the East and West New Britain Provinces. Those who can afford the ship’s freights and fees, do go to Lae to sell their produce. Otherwise, most depend entirely on their traditional trading/barter system to cater for their day-to-day needs as the opportunity to earn money in that place is very slim.
My aunty M.A. and her daughters’ marriages play a vital role in the land tenure for my wantoks in Yaga. Aunty M.A. relates the story below.
M.A. (elderly female):
Despite subtle threats from the locals to remove the people on Yaga village, this may not be an immediate threat at this time as intermarriages with the locals continue to strengthen land tenure for my wantoks in Yaga.
There are so many challenges and limitations as re-settlers but one bigger part of their lives that they continue to have is their Christian faith in God. Evangelical Lutheran Church plays a significant role in their Christian journeys. People continue to worship as a community in the church every evening on Yaga village and my family always attest their survival for so many years on the leading and guidance of the God that they love and continue to serve.
M.A. (elderly female) relates her Tuam experience before relocation:
J.L. (adult male):
R.A. (adult female) paraphrased:
Climate change adversely affects mental health and overall wellbeing of individuals and communities (Lawrence et al, 2022). These are recounted in some of the experiences of those who have resettled. The early settlers have a different response to being relocated to the new site compared to family members that settled later. For the first settlers, despite being only children with their grandparents, they did not feel isolated or separated from their parents and other family members on the island. They were comforted by the knowledge, guidance and wisdom of their grandparents. Also, they were close to home and had constant visits from their parents and other family members. They were supported by the Christian missionaries (Lutherans) on the station and the surrounding communities so they did not feel isolated or depressed despite daily physical and spiritual challenges. Accounts of these experiences are shared below.
M.A. (elderly female):
R.A. (adult female):
R.A. (adult female):
A lot of cultural knowledge and skills are now lost due to land and sea access restrictions. For example, Aunty M.A.’s mother was a skilful mat and basket weaver in the past. Today, none of her family members are doing these things as skilful as their mother or grandmother. In addition, the skill of fishing and yam planting is slowly dying out. Another significant loss of culture is the haus boi (men’s house). It was customary for all clans to have a haus boi as a dwelling place for all young single adolescent males. In the early days, there were seven haus boi in Yaga but these are no longer in existence except for maybe one or two. They are also not as effective as they were before. In the past, these spaces were not just sleeping quarters for young men, but men came together to hold meetings or discussions that benefited their families/clans/people in those spaces. This is usually a space where elders’ wisdom is passed to younger men through observation and guidance. Haus boi was more like a symbol of strength in making decisions together and leading the society forward.
J.L. (adult male):
My family also expressed loss of identity through ancestral stories of migration, and customary rights to their land/sea back in Tuam Island. Families back on the island now viewed them as Yaga people and part of the people of Umboi. This sometimes causes ill feelings and disputes among family members.
J.L. (adult male):
J.L. (adult male):
Also, as expressed in some of the quotes, their safety is becoming a concern. Local youth are beginning to carelessly express threats in spaces that their livelihoods depend on. These are examples of shifting and straining of traditionally established relationships as younger generations are taking over from the older generations. This type of behaviour is cause for concern for my family in Yaga village, regarding their existence on the land.
On the other hand, one of the many things that I have observed, and took part in as child, was carrying bags of white sands with other children and pouring them around the yard of our grandparents’ houses. This is still happening today with my wantoks and family in Yaga. However, tok stori with them now highlighted difficulties in getting the good, shiny white sand that my wantoks are used to back home or that the beaches here in Yaga used to have. It is more brown or dull in colour now due to the ongoing beach erosion.
Below is my poem titled “My sand?” reflecting on this experience.
My sand,
Our footprints,
Once trodden,
Water covers,
Waves breaking,
Childhood fading,
Tears dripping,
My hopes hanging.
My sand,
Our heart prints,
Once beating,
Water covers,
Sea crashing,
Childhood fading,
Tears dripping,
My hopes hanging.
My sand,
Our stories,
Once making,
Water covers,
Now cracking,
I am fading,
Tears dripping,
Hopes vanishing.
My sand?
Regardless of all these challenges, their ancestral stories continue to inspire them. The strength of togetherness drawn from communal relationships and kinships, caring and sharing through trading or barter systems, and their Christian faith in God are their sources of strength as they navigate life as re-settlers in Yaga village.
My family do not see these things as the impacts of climate change but respond to changes as life presents them. They now prioritise education and want their children to have a good education so they can secure good jobs to support them. They are traditional yam planters but are slowly shifting from this tradition to including other food crops such as bananas, cassavas, and kaukau (sweet potato) for food security and also utilise limited resources wisely. In the past, copra production was the commercial activity people engaged in. However, due to high cost of freight and low income from copra, most people are now selling peanuts and reselling store goods. Again, peanut production is limited by the availability of land.
Family members were clear that they had not received government support in relation to climate change and development. The little help that they have in terms of education, health and transportation is from the Lutheran Church and their families in towns who supports them from time to time.
Key insights drawn from our story for future policy and action are:
Also, their human dignity and collective Indigenous rights can be protected and promoted through:
Our story is one of 10 multigenerational family or kin group stories across six Pacific nations (Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, and Tuvalu). The case study stories collectively sought to examine Pacific understandings and experiences of resilience and wellbeing in the context of climate mobility. The research had three key objectives:
We used tok stori to engage stories of mobility since the first relocation to Yaga village in 1962. Tok stori is deemed as the vehicle that is used to transfer history, cultural values and skills, creating self-awareness of being and making sense of our world, the connections with one another and the environment (Sanga et al., 2018).
Fieldwork was conducted in both Barik and Yaga villages on Umboi Island. We had to go to Barik to tok stori with an elder (M.A. elderly female) who was married to a man in Barik and lives there. The other two participants were in Yaga village so we did the tok stori in Yaga.
The tok stori were audio and video recorded. Reflexive thematic analysis was undertaken of each tok stori. This involved listening to each recording several times for familiarity, then undertaking selective transcribing in the language spoken - in this case both Saveeng (local vernacular) and tok pisin were used. Key ideas were identified and then organised into themes and sub-themes, before translation of these themes into English. In addition, analysis included tok stori at workshops and team check-ins with other team members and with a nominated family member.
The study was assessed and approved by the Aotearoa New Zealand Ethics Committee (AREC23_07). Research approval was also provided by Mr Martin Basa who is the Siassi Local Level Government Advisor and also by the Papua New Guinea Science and Technology Secretariat (RA 10-23). Further approval was given by the participating families of the Patnav clan of Tuam who now reside in Yaga for their involvement in this study.
I respectfully and gratefully acknowledge the insights and information about culture and our people, including language translations and meanings in local language, provided by my relatives: my uncle, elder Mr Jordon Alukes; and my cousin brother, Mr Mathias Gesengsu.
The Tuam Island people who continue to inspire me with your perseverance in navigating life challenges, because of your spirit, the most beautiful things have sprung out of unexpected places.
The Patnav Clan people of Yaga village and others who have supported this research by allowing your stories to be told through photographs, audio or video recordings.
Ms Rita Alukes for your support and leadership in navigating cultural approval, traveling, hosting and assisting us on the ground, of which we are highly appreciative of.
My mother, Shirley Katembong Galiki (deceased) and her immediate and extended families of Tuam Island. I belong because of you.
The God that visited you in your experiences, in your stories, in your dreams. May He bless you and keep you; the Lord make his face shine on you and be gracious to you (Numbers 6:24-26).
New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has commissioned this work, funded by New Zealand’s climate finance. The views expressed here are the authors’ alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the New Zealand government.
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i ‘Climate mobility’ is an umbrella term for situations where climate change and environmental factors are a driver for people moving, and for situations where people decide to stay in place. Some examples include the relocation of a community within a country (e.g. moving a village inland in response to natural hazards such as flooding or sea-level rise), an individual’s temporary move for economic reasons (e.g. via labour mobility schemes), and permanent migration within the Pacific.