Kiribati
Nonouti Story
Etau Erika's kainga, Nonouti Island, Republic of Kiribati
Etau Erika's kainga, Nonouti Island, Republic of Kiribati
By Torote Uriam Kauongo
Rain, rainy day
You come with thundering anger
You ripped our roofing
When we least expect
You are a stranger in our midst.
Sunny, sunny day?
Why don’t you come when you’re expected?
You come at odd times with hot anger
That dried up our wells
And made them brackish.
We are confused!
Where do we go?
We move to where there is good well water
But you persisted on staying longer making them brackish
We kept moving to other places.
Is this the new normal?
This case study centres on Etau Erika’s kainga (family), originally from Nonouti, Kiribati. It was indeed a privilege to collect climate resilience and mobilityi stories from Etau’s family living on Tarawa (the main island in Kiribati) and on Nonouti.
This case study begins with a background to the Tarawa, Nonouti, and Kiribati contexts, followed by the history of internal mobility in Kiribati. The kainga members engaged for this case study are then introduced, and their experiences of resilience and wellbeing are elaborated by highlighting the perspectives of different members on Tarawa and Nonouti. The stories reveal similarities in the experiences of the different members, including the in-laws, even though they may have come from other islands in Kiribati (the in-laws came from Tabiteuea North, Abemama, Maiana, and Beru).
The main reason for this I-Kiribati kainga (family) to move from their land is water. They moved to where the well water is fresh and drinkable. When they could not get water from their land, they left their land to move to other islands, mainly to Tarawa. Soil erosion is the second major climate challenge that this family is dealing with. These challenges are explored in the resilience and wellbeing subsections that address water issues, damaged seawalls and erosion, weather events such as king tides and drought, accommodating family members, and the place of traditional knowledge.
Key insights from interviews are summarised in the context of findings of other studies. Finally, the case study approach is explained.
Tarawa is an atoll and the capital of the Republic of Kiribati. The coordinates for Tarawa are approximately 1.4170° N latitude and 173.0000° E longitude. Tarawa had a population of 70,480 in 2020.
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Tarawa is divided into South Tarawa and North Tarawa. South Tarawa is the most populated area and serves as the political and economic centre of Kiribati. It consists of a series of islets connected by causeways and bridges, forming a narrow strip of land that stretches for approximately 30 kilometres (19 miles) from Betio in the west to Bonriki in the east.
Previously, Tarawa was a place with plenty of fresh water. But with more than half the population of Kiribati now on Tarawa, the water has become brackish, or saline, when it does not rain for more than a week. The government (with the help of donors) has begun setting up desalination plants, one at Betio and a much bigger one at Tabaonga, in order to meet the water demands of the population.
Land erosion is the second major problem. With the increased population, a lot of new homes are being built in areas that were once bush. There is great demand for aggregates (gravel) and sand, and this is obtained from the coastal areas. While the government has set up an area where sand and aggregates can be obtained, people are selling their sand and aggregate to make money. There are ongoing land purchases on Christmas Island and Fannings island in an attempt to distribute the population to other, less inhabited islands of Kiribati.
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Nonouti is an atoll and district of Kiribati. Nestled among the islands in the southern Gilbert group, it is the third largest island in the country. The population of Nonouti is 2,749, according to the 2020 census.
The tight-knit communities on Nonouti Island foster a strong sense of unity and cooperation. Traditional communal values such as sharing, reciprocity, and mutual support are deeply ingrained in the social fabric. The island’s self-sufficiency and resilience in the face of environmental challenges reflects our people’s resourcefulness and adaptability.
Nonouti Island has historical significance within Kiribati, being home to several historical sites and landmarks, including ancient temples and places of worship such as te bangota, meeting houses (known as “maneabas”), and te marae where traditional sports are held. Nonouti Island was the first island in Kiribati to have the Catholic Church, established in 1888. Nonouti also hails the first President of Kiribati, Sir Ieremia Tabai.
Despite its beauty and peacefulness, Nonouti is particularly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, including rising sea levels, coastal erosion, storm surges and extreme weather events, saltwater intrusion, impacts on agriculture, human health, ocean acidification, and changes in rainfall patterns. To address these challenges communities on Nonouti Island, with support from the government of Kiribati and international organisations, implement adaptation measures such as coastal protection, sustainable water management practices, diversification of livelihoods, and community-based disaster preparedness initiatives. Despite these efforts, there are significant impacts on the availability of freshwater resources, agriculture, and overall livelihoods.
However, there has been little written on the impact of climate change affecting families, specifically in Nonouti, and their climate resilience and mobility experiences. While some residents of atoll islands like Nonouti may choose to migrate internally within their country to escape environmental risks, others may opt for international migration. Additionally, some communities may pursue various adaptation measures to remain in place despite environmental challenges.
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Kiribati has been at the forefront, highlighting the plight of low-lying island nations facing existential threats from climate change. The government of Kiribati has raised concerns about the potential need for relocation of its citizens due to sea level rise. Former President Anote Tong, for example, advocated for international action on climate change and even purchased land in Fiji as a potential refuge for Kiribati’s population if necessary.
However, any discussions or actions related to climate mobilityi for Nonouti Island would likely involve careful consideration of cultural ties, land rights, governance structures, and the preservation of traditional lifestyles. Additionally, there are significant challenges associated with relocation, including the need for adequate resources, infrastructure, and support systems in potential host areas. Climate change is increasingly shaping discussions and actions related to migration, displacement, and adaptation in communities across the Pacific.
There is a lot of internal movement of people in Kiribati. People move internally from village to village or from one relative to another in their search for good fresh water supply. In the particularly dry years between 2020 and 2023, people moved from island to island in their effort to find fresh water. Water was not a problem in days gone by. Ancestors or forefathers selected places to build houses with their siblings and near kin based on several criteria that support their livelihood. Foremost on their list was the availability of fresh water for drinking, cooking, and washing and space for their family and siblings.
Before the British came to Kiribati, known then as Tungaru, there were no villages. People lived in their own kainga (groups of family members that were related to each other living in a particular area). The members of the kainga owned the land and could distributed land among the members.
When the land was in short supply, the leaders of the kainga could initiate a civil war to acquire more lands from other close by kainga or invade other islands to acquire land from other kainga. The kainga would select a homestead if it had a fresh supply of well water, plentiful food sources, and it could be well defended from other kaingawho might attack. Kainga can absorb members of the defeated kainga or kill all the males and take the females as wives for the warriors. This is how the kainga increased in number through conquest and through intermarriage between kainga. Males from one kainga would marry females of another kainga and vice versa so that the kainga merged to form a larger community.
This was the problem faced by the British government when they came in the late 1700s. To prevent civil wars they used force of arms to put the people together in villages without regard to the suitability of the land chosen for the village location. The British Commissioner chose the particular location of the village, regardless of who owned it. They allocated plots of that land for the people to live in. They then set up local island government to manage the affairs of the island; they established schools as well as local courts to address civil strife. The local government managed the affairs of the island and achieved peaceful coexistence between different kainga, providing law and order on the islands of Kiribati.
After Kiribati achieved Independence in 1979, draconian rules for the village settlements were relaxed. The local Kiribati government allowed landowners to reoccupy lands that were part of the colonial village and people were free to leave the village to stay on their own land. The movement of family members from their family allocated plot in the village to their own land on the island is now common in Kiribati. This was the case for Nonouti. The people started to move to their own lands where fresh well water was readily available.
The mobility of the people of Kiribati within the island is still in flux, including Nonouti. The acquisition of land in other areas can be from their ancestors fighting in that island, through marriage with people from those islands and recently through land purchases by family members. Some kinsfolk would move to those islands as a way of easing the population pressure on their original island.
Nowadays, there is movement of mainly young people to work in Australia and New Zealand, providing funds for their families. It is mainly students who are moving internally within islands in their search for education. Their relatives on the particular island where they go for education become their guardians while they are away from their parents and home islands. There were also cases where some of these students became adopted by non-related families in the islands where they obtain their education. Thus, the relations expanded, and the movement of people is expanded to include the new relatives from the adoption.
Etau Erika is like a father and grandfather to some of the family we spoke to, and some are members of the family by marriage. The young people in the group would be grandchildren of Etau. The Etau Erika family was made of two males and three females. The males’ range in age from early twenties to late forties and females’ range in age from early thirties to late forties.
We interviewed Tebaitia Torua, Teurin Kabuati, and Ruita Marewe - nieces/nephews to Etau. However, through marriage, other members of the group came from Tabiteuea North, Abemama, Maiana, and Beru. Mr Webster Taawana is from Tabiteuea South and is married to Teurin. We also have Taotangare Ioane from Maiana, who is also married to this family. Finally, we interviewed Tevita on Nonouti Island, who is the nephew of Etau. The relatives in Tarawa can provide a base for accommodation to their family members from Nonouti if they go there for medical, education or other purposes.
Practical solutions for dealing with water issues, working together, and using traditional knowledge – all are ways resilience is demonstrated by kainga staying in either Nonouti or Tarawa.
Tevita, Etau’s nephew, lives in Autukia village, on Nonouti Island. Because of water problems, he moved from his mother’s allocated plot in the colonial village in Autukia (pre-independence village) to his mother’s own historical, traditional land. Their colonial plot had no well due to the rocky nature of the ground and so it was vacated. As explained earlier, leaving the colonial village became common after the Kiribati Independence in 1979. During the colonial era in Autukia, they had to walk inland to fetch the well water, as this quote alludes:
When they moved out of the colonial village after the Independence, their allocated plot reverted to the landowners. The whole colonial village of Autukia was completely vacated. They moved because of water issues.
They also created an ingenious way of getting water without carrying the full bucket of water. Using a bowl-shaped receptacle filled with water at the well site, the water goes through the hose and passes out at a place near the house. This made water more accessible.
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A damaged seawall right by the family’s home in Nonouti is causing great worry for Tevita and his community in Autukia village. Seawater intrusion from the ocean side is a major threat. Since the land is much higher at the ocean side, and slopes down to their habitation, any break in the seawall can cause seawater to enter. The seawater could inundate their living area, destroy fruit trees, and contaminate their water source, rendering the water undrinkable.
The seawall construction started in 2015 and it was maintained until all the cement was used up. Each family in the community had contributed four bags of cement towards the seawall. The seawall, however, was damaged by waves during king tides. It is in urgent need of repair before the next extraordinary king tides. Tevita made a plea on behalf of his community for help with cement to repair the seawall. They can provide free labour but need bags of cement, or money to buy bags of cement, to repair the seawall.
One advantage of living within a kainga is that help can come from the community regardless of church affiliation. The construction of this seawall, serving the whole community, is an example. While Nonouti is predominantly Catholic, everyone in the community, including the other churches, came together to construct the seawall. Similarly, sometimes in Nonouti members of the village helped to construct the place of worship for a church other than their own.
Webster Taawana reflected on maintaining traditional practices, stating that people grew crops, fished, and stored food even before food from overseas ever came. Their routine of life was managed by the two seasons of dry and wet weather. There were occasions when the dry weather lasted for longer than expected. This affected the fresh water supply and the livelihood of root crops and trees. When this happened, people would move to areas on the island where there was fresh water. Some who lived much further from the fresh water supply would use canoes to sail to where fresh water was available. People on the island knew where their kin lived. They would accommodate distant relatives when calamities befell the island. Knowledge about the weather pattern of those old days, however, could not be applied to the present situation, as the weather pattern has changed, and dry spells and rainy seasons are unexpected. Dry spells are more problematic since they last longer, creating problems for fresh water supply and plant growth.
Soil erosion in Nonouti was a stark and serious situation, observed by family members. Tebaitia Torua, now resident in Tarawa, shared observations and comparisons from his schooling days at George Eastman High School in Nonouti:
During his schooling days, there were four rows of healthy coconut trees, but he noticed during his second visit, that there were only two rows left. He also noticed that houses have moved further inland and the well water that used to supply the village is no longer drinkable, despite attempts to freshen it with rocks from Banaba. People in the village had to collect their water further inland where fresher water was available. The water from that well was only used for bathing. There were remains of stone seawalls, so there had been attempts in the past to protect the land from soil erosion. Because of the bad water supply, it was assumed that not many people would come to set up homes in the village and people would tend to set up homes further inland where there was fresh water.
Teurin also related her experience visiting her home island, Nonouti. She was surprised that the whole village, which had a lot of people before, was deserted. They had moved to other places due to the salty condition of the well water. In fact, there was general movement of people within the island itself in their search for drinkable well water. In essence, brackish water was the main cause of the movement of people on their land, which can also cause movement to other islands in Kiribati too.
Similarly, other kainga members shared stories about eventual mobility within Kiribati because of water issues, even though initially, collecting water before sunrise, instead of other times, was a way to mitigate the salty water taste. Ruita Marewe (from Maiana) related her experience when she accompanied her sister, whose husband was a police officer. They were posted to Nonouti, then to Tabiteuea North at Kabuna village. They were moved to Tabouea, a subsection of the Kabuna village. Tabouea had only two households, the house they stayed at, and another house separated by an area of bush. Tabouea is a narrow strip of land, and you can see the lagoon side from the ocean side. The well water on this narrow strip of land can only be collected very early in the morning before the sun rises. She explained:
All the occupants of the household had since left the area, and so it is deserted now. Taotangare claimed she had met some of the villagers and they said they are building their home on Tarawa. The brackish water supply had become just like sea water especially during the prolonged dry season and so they had left it.
Ruita Marewe (from Abemama), came to Tarawa for education and ended up marrying into this kainga. They stayed together at Antebuka with her husband’s parents but were then told by the husband’s father to move to the ocean side and set up their home there. This was when they experienced hardship like never before. The water was brackish, and the place was not ideal for planting because of the brackish water. Their fortune changed when the father of her husband died, and the stepmother invited them back to stay. When they returned, they were able to plant vegetables such as cabbage and tomatoes. They had seen the worst part of life when they were sent to an uninhabitable place. People close by come to collect water for drink and they happily allowed them to after having gone through the previous bad experience not having access to water. In essence, bad or brackish water was the main cause of the movement of people on their land which can also cause movement to other islands in Kiribati.
Tarawa resident, Teurin, talked about the construction of a seawall built by her parents and grandparents to provide space to accommodate relatives from Nonouti and Beru. They come to Tarawa for education, seeking employment, and other business. They used the land extension to accommodate their relatives from the outer islands. Teurin expressed her disappointment when the seawall was destroyed by high tides. They could not occupy land closest to the ocean side as water during the extra king tides would flow overland causing damage to fruit trees and gardens along its path. Their well water supply also became brackish in the current long spell of dry weather. Other people (not relatives) would temporarily stay in this uninhabitable place while searching for a suitable place. The fact that they had extra people may have been instrumental in causing the salty condition of the well. They faced discomfort as they got itchy from bathing from their well closest to the lagoon. They had to use a second well further inland to obtain better well water for bathing and washing. She stated:
Interestingly, when the group was asked if they want to leave Kiribati, the answer was no. They expressed their commitment to protecting their environment so that they can continue to stay.
This case study shows that water access, exacerbated and threatened by climate change, has been a serious issue for this family and has been a key factor in decisions to move. There is a lot of movement from the people of Kiribati internally, across islands, and within islands – moving close to fresh well water. At the time of the fieldwork, the long dry spell in most of the islands of Kiribati and particularly the southern parts of Kiribati where Nonouti and Tabiteuea are located was so severe that people in the village moved to other locations where there was fresh well water. Some, however, completely vacated their village and moved to Tarawa. Their resiliency was enabled by help from their relatives who were not affected by these problems and were easily able to accommodate them during these periods of calamity. Their livelihood was severely affected but solace was found in the care of other relatives.
Teurin expressed appreciation for the government’s efforts to solve the water and coastal erosion problems faced by people at Betio and the Teinainano urban centres. However, she urged the government to extend this help to all the outer islands who were facing similar problems, including Nonouti. This would then ease the population density of Tarawa as most unemployed people would prefer to go back to the other islands with water problems solved (Nguyen et al., 2023).
Coastal erosion is another problem for Nonouti, and constructing seawalls is how the kainga and community seek to address this. Land erosion had caused the relocation of some houses in the outer island to new unoccupied areas. The problems of soil erosion and brackish well water supply was so acute in Tarawa that the government had to find donors to set up desalination plants to address the water crisis (Nguyen et al., 2023). With measures to help Kiribati water and coastal erosion problems, the people’s resiliency would be enhanced and some of the social problems common now in Tarawa urban centres would be eased, if not eradicated.
There is also mobility between the islands of Kiribati in search of education where relatives of students can become guardians, or students develop relationships that could lead to adoption. Marriage is another reason why several members of the kainga migrated.
A substantial number of young people from Kiribati, including Nonouti, are being recruited to work in elder care facilities, as seasonal fruit pickers, and other food industries by Australia and New Zealand (Dun et al., 2023; Nguyen et al., 2023). This contributes to Kiribati resilience in confronting the effects of climate change. With such means, they are able to construct seawalls to mitigate the effects of climate change. The issue with these work schemes is that physical separation has contributed to marital and family problems (Borovnik, 2007; Cleverley, 2023). In turn, broken family relationships have contributed to land and property disputes in Tarawa. The ability to keep families together within such labour mobility schemes, however, would reduce such issues. Both internal and external mobility in Kiribati contribute to developing resiliency, mitigating the effects of climate change.
The uncontrolled use of trees for building houses, and of sand and aggregate for cement and bricks was also discussed by Webster:
The sentiment was expressed that this should be enforced and there needed to be more oversight and accountability.
Webster also shared that, when in New Zealand, Etau Erika helped to provide business opportunities and other benefits for the family. This included adopting family members so they could get an education in New Zealand. Webster emphasised that the approach of Etau Erika could be used to help other families in the same situation.
People in Kiribati love their land and generally would not want to leave it. People who had gone to other countries though (like New Zealand and Australia) assist Kiribati-based relatives by providing financial support to help combat climate change related issues and boost resiliency. They also provide avenues for their family members who do leave, by providing a place to stay and access to education (Gibson & Bailey, 2021; McMichael et al., 2019).
Our case study is one of 10 multi-generational family or kin group stories across six Pacific nations (Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu). The case studies collectively sought to examine Pacific understandings and experiences of resilience and well-being in the context of climate mobility. The research had three key objectives:
The fieldwork was conducted Tarawa in November 2023 and in Nonouti in January 2024.
Our research approach with this kainga prioritised Kiribati values, knowledge, and culture. We used karaki and maroro to engage stories of mobility across time (historical, contemporary, and future aspirations) and space (homelands, diaspora, multidirectional mobility). The karaki and maroro methods (Beaiteke, 2023; Schütz, 2022) were used to explore personal and collective experiences of the different members of the family. It is a relaxed form of interaction between at least two people who share stories about a particular topic. It is a karaki (story time) but the maroro implies that the storyteller is directed by the listener who may add quick questions for the storyteller to respond to. This ensured that the storyteller is focussed and keeps to the topic.
The study was assessed and approved by the Aotearoa New Zealand Ethics Committee (AREC23_07). The participants were provided with Kiribati translations of the Information Sheet. They also gave written consent. A research permit was also provided by the Kiribati Climate Change section of the Office of the President (OB) with the condition that a person from the OB be part of research project and be present during the fieldwork. The OB representative signed a confidentiality form as they were present during the audio and video recording. The priority of the Kiribati government in relation to climate change, at the time the study was conducted, was strongly focused on resilience. There was clear communication that the research should focus on staying in place. There was emphasis on how the Kiribati people and government can work together to maintain resiliency in the face of the effects of climate change.
We wish to acknowledge the kindness offered to our study team by Tientamoa’s family, from her mother’s side, for bearing with my team during our data collection at Nonouti Island.
New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has commissioned this work, funded by New Zealand’s climate finance. The views expressed here are the authors’ alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the New Zealand government.
Baiteke, A. (2023). Exploring the sociocultural factors of obesity affecting Kiribati women living in Auckland New Zealand (Doctoral dissertation, ResearchSpace@Auckland).
Borovnik, M. (2007). Labor circulation and changes among seafarers’ families and communities in Kiribati. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 16(2), 225-249.
Cleverley, L. (2023). Understanding I-Kiribati wellbeing and its implications for health and social services. Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work Review, 35(2), 22–33.
Dun, O., Klocker, N., Farbotko, C., & McMichael, C. (2023). Climate change adaptation in agriculture: Learning from an international labour mobility programme in Australia and the Pacific Islands region. Environmental Science & Policy, 139, 250-273.
Gibson, J., & Bailey, R. L. (2021). Seasonal labor mobility in the pacific: Past impacts, future prospects. Asian Development Review, 38(1), 1-31. link
McMichael, C., Farbotko, C., & McNamara, K. E. (2019). Climate-migration responses in the Pacific region. In I. Ness, M. Ruiz & C. Menjívar (Eds), The Oxford handbook of migration crises (pp. 297–314). Oxford University Press.
Nguyen, A., Valckx, N., Alonso, C., Kilpatrick, J., Kolovich, L., & Fornino, M. (2023). Kiribati: Selected Issues. IMF Country Report No. 23/226. International Monetary Fund: Asia and Pacific Dept. International Monetary Fund.
Schütz, T. (2022). Navigating health practices for I-Kiribati immigrants in New Zealand (Doctoral dissertation, Open Access Te Herenga Waka-Victoria University of Wellington).
i ‘Climate mobility’ is an umbrella term for situations where climate change and environmental factors are a driver for people moving, and for situations where people decide to stay in place. Some examples include the relocation of a community within a country (e.g. moving a village inland in response to natural hazards such as flooding or sea-level rise), an individual’s temporary move for economic reasons (e.g. via labour mobility schemes), and permanent migration within the Pacific.
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